THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 


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MAHMOUI)   SHKVKKTl  PASHA. 


Frontispiece 


THE    DANGER   ZONE 
OF   EUROPE 


CHANGES   AND   PROBLEMS   IN 
THE   NEAR   EAST 


BY 

H.   CHARLES   WOODS,  f.r.g.s. 


AUTHOR  OF 
"WASHED  BY  FOUR  SEAS' 


WITH   THREE   MAPS   AND   FIFTY-TWO   ILLUSTRATIONS 


'    *>•    •      •>>'■»',»   ^    * 


BOSTON 

LITTLE,   BROWN,   &  COMPANY 

1911 


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LlERAEfAK'S  l\m 


•  •      •  •  •  • 


{All  rights  reserved,) 


PREFACE 

The  proper  function  of  a  modem  preface,  especially  of 
one  to  a  volume  of  this  kind,  appears  to  be  to  explain 
the  objects  for  which  the  book  has  been  written,  to 
state  the  manner  in  which  the  information  obtained  in 
it  has  been  acquired,  and  to  help  the  reader  who  lacks 
either  time  or  inclination  to  make  close  acquaintance 
with  the  whole  book,  to  discover  what  portions  of  it 
will  be  the  most  interesting  to  him. 

Before  endeavouring  to  fulfil  these  functions,  let  me, 
however,  first  give  the  reasons  which  have  induced 
me  to  call  this  book  **  The  Danger  Zone  of  Europe." 
In  the  past,  history  has  proved  that  the  Near  East  has 
been  both  the  scene  of  and  the  reason  for  war  after  war. 
For  a  variety  of  reasons  this  quarter  of  the  universe  is 
still  a  continual  source  of  danger  to  the  peace  of  the 
world.  The  Balkan  Peninsula  and  Asia  Minor  may 
always  be  the  scene  of  insurrection  or  massacre,  on 
account  of  the  many  diverse  peoples  who  inhabit  the 
different  districts  of  which  they  are  composed.  In 
Turkey  the  various  elements  of  the  population  are 
widely  separated  from  one  another  owing  to  differences 


218606 


6  PREFACE 

of  race  and  of  religion.  Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Ottoman  Empire  are  backed  up  by  the  support  of 
various  neighbouring  States,  whilst  others  are  compelled 
to  face  the  alternative  of  either  remaining  peaceful 
subjects  of  the  Sultan  or  of  rebelling  unaided  against 
his  Government. 

Since  1908  the  Near  East  has  become  more  than 
ever  the  "  Danger  Zone  of  Europe.'*  The  rivalry  con- 
cerning things  Near  Eastern  which  exists  between  the 
Powers  of  the  Triple  Alliance  and  those  of  the  Triple 
Entente  becomes  daily  more  markedly  apparent.  Such 
is  the  competition  between  the  Great  Powers  to  secure 
the  favour  of  the  Young  Turks  that  scarcely  a  word 
has  been  said  by  any  of  them  to  enforce  the  punishment 
of  those  who,  even  according  to  the  Young  Turks  them- 
selves, are  responsible  for  the  murder  of  thousands 
of  Ottoman  Christians  and  the  destruction  of  the  pos- 
sessions belonging  to  foreign  subjects.  Whether  this 
rivalry  will  either  be  the  cause  of  war  between  any 
of  the  parties  amongst  which  it  exists,  or  whether  the 
attitude  of  any  of  the  Great  Powers  will  encourage  the 
more  Chauvinistic  Young  Turks  to  bring  about  war 
with  any  of  their  neighbours,  time  alone  will  prove. 
Again,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  four  Protect- 
ing Powers  are  supposed  to  be  agreed  in  all  matters 
appertaining  to  the  Cretan  Question,  yet  it  seems  prob- 
able that  it  is  largely  owing  to  a  secret  discord  existing 
among  the  Governments  of  England,  France,  Russia, 
and  Italy  that  this  complicated  international  problem 
still  remains  unsolved. 


PREFACE  7 

Although  the  conditions  prevailing  in  Asia  Minor 
may  not,  strictly  speaking,  be  within  the  scope  of  a 
book  entitled  **  The  Danger  Zone  of  Europe,"  yet  as 
the  future  of  the  Turkish  Empire  largely  depends  upon 
the  attitude  of  the  seventeen  or  eighteen  million 
Ottomans  who  reside  in  the  Asiatic  Provinces  of  the 
Sultan,  I  have  devoted  four  chapters  of  this  volum^e 
to  a  history  of  some  events  which  have  occurred  in 
certain  parts  of  Asia  Minor  and  to  an  account  of  certain 
things  which  came  to  my  notice  whilst  travelling  from 
the  southern  coast  of  Anatolia  to  the  shores  of  the 
Bosphorus.  Moreover,  as  Asia  Minor  is  ruled  by  and 
is  dependent  upon  the  Government  of  Constantinople, 
the  conditions  actually  prevailing  in  this  part  of  the 
Ottoman  Empire  actually  influence  the  fate  of  European 
Turkey,  and  thus  affect  the  question  as  to  whether  or 
not  the  Balkan  Peninsula  is  **  the  Danger  Zone  of 
Europe.** 

My  most  important  motive  in  publishing  this  volume 
has  been  to  explain  some  of  the  changes  which  have 
occurred,  and  to  draw  attention  to  a  few  of  the  problems 
which  have  arisen  in  the  Near  East  as  direct  or  indirect 
results  of  the  Young  Turk  revolution  of  July,  1908. 
This  book,  therefore,  makes  no  pretensions  to  be  a 
learned  and  exhaustive  dissertation  upon  any  inter- 
national problem.  It  claims  merely  to  be  the  result 
of  observations  which  I  have  made  during  two  extended 
tours  in  the  Near  East  since  the  advent  of  the  Constitu- 
tional Regime  in  Turkey.  I  have  endeavoured  honestly 
to    record   information   acquired   and   to   give   impres- 


8  PREFACE 

sions  gained  by  personal  intercourse  with  all  classes 
of  people  who  inhabit  different  parts  of  the  Near 
East,  rather  than  to  collect  facts,  or  supposed  facts, 
from  statesmen  or  religious  chiefs,  each  of  whom,  how- 
ever honest  he  may  wish  to  be,  undoubtedly  has  some 
political  party  to  support  or  some  personal  object  to 
attain.  As  far  as  possible,  too,  I  have  avoided  making 
prophecies,  or  predicting  the  future  political  develop- 
ment of  affairs  in  the  Near  East,  because,  even  if  the 
events  which  I  might  have  foretold  actually  should 
occur,  as  all  future  events  in  the  Near  East  are  always 
uncertain,  my  prophecies  would  have  proved  to  be 
correct  more  by  chance  than  by  good  judgment. 

Out  of  the  twelve  chapters  into  which  this  book  is 
divided,  seven  are  given  up  to  an  account  of  events 
which  have  occurred  in  the  Turkish  Empire.  In  the 
first  of  these  I  have  endeavoured  to  give  an  idea  of 
'*  Some  Aspects  of  the  New  Regime  in  Turkey."  Here 
I  have  also  enumerated  briefly  a  few  of  the  problems 
which  have  yet  to  be  solved  by  the  Young  Turks.  In 
the  second  chapter,  if  I  have  devoted  too  much  space 
and  given  too  many  technical  details  concerning  the 
Turkish  Army,  I  hope  that  my  non -military  readers 
will  understand  that  I  have  been  induced  to  adopt  this 
course,  not  only  on  account  of  the  extreme  importance 
of  the  Turkish  Army  from  a  military  point  of  view 
but  also  because  of  the  poUtical  part  which  that  Army 
has  played,  is  playing,  and  will  play  in  the  development 
of  a  strong  Ottoman  Empire.  In  Chapters  IV.,  V., 
and   VI.    I    have   provided   my   readers   with   a   short 


PREFACE  9 

account  of  the  **  Armenian  Massacres  of  1909,"  and 
also  given  a  very  brief  summary  of  the  "  Causes  and 
Results  of  the  Massacre."  I  have  ventured  to  write  at 
greater  length  upon  this  subject  than  it  might  otherwise 
have  merited,  not  only  because,  as  far  as  I  can  ascer- 
tain, no  other  consecutive  account  of  this  awful  outbreak 
has  yet  been  published  in  English  by  any  visitor  to 
the  scene  of  the  disaster,  but  also  because  of  the 
immense  effect  which  these  massacres  have  had  upon 
the  non-Turkish,  and  especially  upon  the  Christian, 
population  of  the  whole  Empire.  Chapter  VII.  contains 
an  account  of  some  reforms  which  I  noticed  had  been 
introduced  by  the  Young  Turks  in  Asia  Minor. 

In  Chapters  VIII.,  IX.,  and  X.  I  have  discussed  the 
Cretan  Question,  and  dealt  with  matters  which  concern 
the  Greek  and  the  Cretan  Governments.  Chapters  XI. 
and  XII.  are  devoted  to  a  brief  history  of  the  circuin- 
stances  under  which  Bulgaria  secured  her  independence, 
and  to  a  few  events  which  have  occurred  in  Servia, 
Montenegro,  and  Bosnia  in  and  since   1908. 

To  those  in  England  and  in  the  countries  of  which 
I  have  written  who  have  given  me  their  valuable  assist- 
ance, I  owe  my  most  hearty  thanks.  In  view  of  the 
official  positions  which  they  hold,  and  for  many  other 
obvious  reasons,  most  of  these  people  must,  unfor- 
tunately, remain  nameless.  In  like  manner  I  have 
thought  it  advisable,  when  quoting  conversations  with 
and  giving  the  opinions  of  some  of  the  many  men 
with  whom  I  have  talked,  not  to  give  any  clue  to  the 
identity   of    the   persons    to    whom   I    refer   or   to    the 


10  PREFACE 

localities  in  which  they  reside.  I  must,  however,  make 
special  mention  of  the  assistance  afforded  to  me  by 
Mr.  W.  W.  Peet— the  Treasurer  of  the  American  Mis- 
sions in  Turkey— to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  allowing 
me  to  have  access  to  many  letters  written  by  those 
who  were  actually  present  during  the  massacres  at 
Adana  and  in  the  surrounding  district.  I  also  owe 
my  thanks  to  those  who  have  signed  their  photographs 
for  publication  in  this  volume.  Finally,  I  must  acknow- 
ledge the  courtesy  of  the  Editors  of  National  Defence, 
the  Nation,  Sunday  Times,  Westminster  Gazette,  Daily 
Express,  and  Manchester  Daily  Despatch,  in  permitting 
me  to  reproduce  in  the  following  pages  certain  passages 
which  have  from  time  to  time  appeared  in  the  publica- 
tions which  they  edit. 

H.  CHARLES  WOODS. 
Warnford  Park, 
Hampshire, 

January^  1911. 


CONTENTS 


Preface 


Some  Aspects  of  the  New  Regime  in  Turkey  .  .     19 

Changes  which  are  noticeable  to  the  every-day  traveller— Personal 
security — The  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress — Parlia- 
mentary elections — Difficulty  of  finding  competent  officials 
to  fill  Government  appointments — Some  officials  described — 
The  fanaticism  of  the  Mohammedan  population — Turkish 
finance — The  necessity  for  the  construction  of  Public  Works 
— Railways  proposed  and  under  construction — Privileges  of 
Christians  in  Turkey — The  Brigandage  Law — Attitude  of  the 
Bulgarians  and  Greeks  towards  the  New  Regime — The  dis- 
armament of  the  Christians  of  Macedonia — The  law  dealing 
with  the  allotment  of  the  disputed  churches  and  schools  in 
Macedonia — Decentralisation. 


II 

The  Turkish  Army  and  Navy        .  .  .  .56 

General  importance  of  the  Army  in  Turkey — Army  system — 
Infantry  —  Cavalry  —  Artillery  —  Engineers  and  Details — 
Medical  Services — Officers — Training — Discipline  of  the  Army 
— Enlistment  of  non-Moslems — Delay  in  mobilisation  caused 
by  present  Army  system — Peace  and  war  strengths — The 
Turkish  Navy. 

u 


12  CONTENTS 

III 

PAGE 

The  Albanian  Question       .  .  .    Sy 

Origin  and  religions  of  the  Albanians — Foreign  influences  in 
Albania — The  gathering  of  Albanians  at  Ferisovitch  in  July, 
1908 — The  Albanian  insurrections  of  1908  and  1909 — The 
Congress  of  Dibra — Some  causes  of  unrest  in  Albania — The 
Albanian  rebellion  of  1910 — School  and  language  questions  in 
Albania. 

IV 

The  Armenian  Massacres  of  April,  1909  .  .120 

General  remarks  concerning  the  Armenians — Former  massacres 
— Description  of  Adana — The  first  massacre  in  Adana—The 
second  massacre  in  Adana — Relief  work. 

V 

The  Armenian  Massacres  of  April,  1909  (continued)     .  145 

The  massacre  in  Tarsus — The  story  of  an  escape  from  Kozolouk 
— The  massacres  at  Hamidieh,  Abdul  Oglou,  and  Antioch — 
The  defence  of  Hajin,  Durtyol,  and  Shehr  Murad — A  few 
towns  which  narrowly  escaped  a  massacre. 

VI 

The  Causes  and  Results  of  the  Massacre       .  .  166 

The  outbreak  in  Cilicia  shown  to  be  a  massacre  of  Christians  and 
not  an  Armenian  rebellion — Some  reasons  for  supposing  that 
the  ex-Sultan  Abdul  Hamid  was  not  himself  personally 
responsible  for  the  massacres — Effects  of  the  massacres — An 
account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  causes  of  the  massacre 
were  investigated  by  the  Government  and  of  the  methods  by 
which  the  courts-martial  carried  on  the  trials  of  supposed 
malefactors — The  cases  of  some  officials  who  did  not  receive 
that  punishment  which  their  conduct  merited. 


CONTENTS  13 


VII 

PAGE 

Asia  Minor  under  the  New  Regime       .  .  .  189 

Reasons  for  my  visit  to  Asia  Minor — The  Law  Courts — Reforms 
in  the  vilayet  of  Adana — Djemal  Bey  and  some  of  his  projects 
— The  Governor  of  Missis — A  journey  across  the  Taurus 
Mountains — The  Bagdad  Railway — Reforms  in  the  vilayet  of 
Konia — The  irrigation  of  the  Plain  of  Konia — Reforms  in  the 
vilayet  of  Angora. 


VIII  i 

The  Cretan  Question          .....  215  j 

f 

The  population  of  Crete — Cretan  reasons  for  desiring  union  with  j 

Greece — An  account  of  some  events  which  occurred  prior  to  ^ 

the  appointment  of  Prince  George  as  High  Commissioner  of  ) 

Crete — Crete  from  December,  1898,  to  October,  1908 — Changes  %J 

introduced  in  the  administration  of  the  Island  as  a  result  of  | 

the  Cretan  declaration  of  union  with  Greece  in  October,  1908  '^ 

— The  Turkish  aspect  of  the  Cretan  Question — The  manner  '-; 

in  which  the  power  of  Bulgaria  affects  the  Cretan  Question —  ) 

The  Cretan  flag  hoisted  upon  the  fort  at  Canea  in  August,  : 

1909 — Moslem  deputies  excluded  from  the  Cretan  Chamber  in  ^ 

May,  1910.  j 


IX  3 

The  Military  Revolution  in  Greece      .  .  .  240  i 

Causes  of  the  revolution — The  Military  League— The  Government  ; 

of  M.  Mavromichalis — Programme  of  the  League — Attitude  : 

of  M.  Theotokis  and  of  M.  RaUis  towards  the  League — Want  i 

of  moderation  on  the  part  of  the  members  of  the  League —  :i 

Formation   of  a  Cabinet   d' Affaires   under   M.  Dragoumis —  'i 

Proposed    changes    in  the  Constitution — The    First    Grand  j 

National  Assembly  of  1910.  ' 


14  CONTENTS 


X 

PAGE  I 

The  Greek  Army  and  the  Cretan  Militia        .  .  264 

Terms  of  service  in,  and  organisation  of,  the  Greek  Army  prior 
to  1909 — Re-organisation  scheme  proposed  by  the  MiHtary 
League — Officers  of  the  Greek  Army — The  Greek  Navy — The  • 

Cretan  Gendarmerie — The  Cretan  Militia— The  discipHne  of  , 

the  Cretan  troops.  1 

XI 
The  Independence  of  Bulgaria    ....  279 

A  drive  across  the  Bulgarian  frontier — Proposed  railway  from 
Kumanavo  to  Grueschevo — The  Gueshoff  incident — The 
Bulgarian  occupation  of  the  Oriental  railways — History  of 
the  construction  of  the  Bulgarian  section  of  Oriental  railways 
by  Baron  Hirsch — Claims  made  against  Bulgaria  by  the 
Turkish  Government — Details  of  the  arrangement  by  which 
Russia  acted  as  the  peace  preserver  between  Bulgaria  and  , 

Turkey — Advantages  accruing  to  Bulgaria  owing  to  her 
independence — New  railways  in  Bulgaria — Disadvantages  of 
independence  to  the  country — Some  questions  still  unsettled 
between  Bulgaria  and  Turkey. 

XII 
Servia,  Montenegro,  and  Bosnia  in  1910  .  .  309 

The  position  of  the  Karageorgevitch  Dynasty  in  Servia — The 
question  of  the  accession  to  the  Servian  throne — Servian 
railway  development — The  difficulties  of  an  entente  between 
Servia  and  Bulgaria — The  existing  relationship  between 
Servia  and  Montenegro — Abolition  of  the  restrictions  imposed 
upon  Montenegro  by  the  29th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin 
— The  Montenegrin  Jubilee—The  changes  effected  in  Bosnia 
owing  to  annexation  by  the  Dual  Monarchy — Some  details  of 
the  Bosnian  Constitution. 

Postscript     .  ......  321 

Index  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  325 


LIST   OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 

MAHMOUD  SHEVKET  PASHA  .  .  .  Frontispiece 

FACING  PAGE 

KIAMIL   PASHA                  .                .                 .                .                .  .26 

HILMI    PASHA            ......  36 

JOACHIM    III.,    GREEK   PATRIARCH    OF  CONSTANTINOPLE  .         39 

JOSEPH    I.,   THE   BULGARIAN   EXARCH           .                .                 .  40 

SANDANSKY,    THE   GREAT  BULGARIAN   BRIGAND             .  .         45 

THE   BULGARIAN   CATHEDRAL  AT   MONASTIR             .                .  51 

THE     GATEWAY     OF     THE     SERASKERAT     (WAR     OFFICE)     AT 

CONSTANTINOPLE  .....  58 

THE   SERASKERAT  AT   CONSTANTINOPLE  .                .  .58 

TURKISH   AND   BULGARIAN   INFANTRY  ...  62 

OFFICERS  OF  THE   YOUNG   TURK   ARMY  ,                .  -67 

THE   SULTAN   MOHAMMED   V.             .  .                 .                .  73 

INFANTRY   BARRACKS   AT   MONASTIR     .  .                 .  .         80 

FERID    PASHA             ......  88 

A   ROCK-LIKE    HILL   AT   USKUB                  .  .                 .  .96 


16  LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PACING  PAGE 

PEASANTS  OF  NORTHERN   ALBANIA   (TWO   PICTURES)           .  IO4 

THE  ARCH   OF  GALERIUS  AT  SALONIKA              .                .                 .  I18 

A   STREET   IN   THE   MOSLEM   QUARTER   OF   ADANA  1 27 

A   HEAP  OF  ARMENIAN    RUINS                  ....  I27 

A   RUINED  ARMENIAN    HOUSE   IN   ADANA     .                 .                 .  132 

PART  OF  THE  RUINED  QUARTER  OF  ADANA  .  .  I37 
HOUSES     IN     ADANA     REBUILT     BY     THE     INTERNATIONAL 

RELIEF  COMMITTEE       .....  I42 

A  GENERAL  VIEW  OF  TARSUS                 ....  I46 

THE   BARRACKS   AT   TARSUS                                 .                 .                .  15I 

THE  VILLAGE   OF   MISSIS            .                .                .                 .                 .  155 

THE  WALLED-IN   FARM   AT  SHEHR   MURAD                .                .  163 

A  GROUP  OF  ARMENIAN   SURVIVORS    ....  168 

THE   QUAY   AT   MERSINA      .                .                 .                 .                 .  174 

AN  ANCIENT  GATEWAY   AT  TARSUS       ....  179 

A   HOUSE   RECONSTRUCTED  BY  THE  TURKISH   GOVERNMENT  185 

AHMED   DJEMAL   BEY,   VALI   OF  ADANA                .                .                .  I93 

THE  GORGE  OF  THE   BOZANTI   SU                 .                .                .  201 

A   BEGGAR   WOMAN   NEAR   THE   CILICIAN  GATES  203 

A  RUINED  MOSQUE  AT  KONIA  ....  205 
THE  BARRAGE,   HALF  A   MILE  TO  THE   SOUTH    OF    TCHUMLA 

STATION     .......  209 

PART  OF  THE  TURKISH   QUARTER  OF  ANGORA       .                .  213 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  17 

FACING  PAGE 

A  MOSQUE  IN  CRETE  ......  2l6 

THE  HARBOUR  AT  CANEA        ....  224 

THE  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  CRETAN  GOVERNMENT  AT 

CANEA    .......  232 

THE   CRETAN    HOUSE   OF   PARLIAMENT   AT   CANEA                  .  232 

INFANTRY   OF  THE   GREEK   ARMY           ....  242 

CAVALRY   OF   THE   GREEK   ARMY     ....  253 

A   GREEK   MOUNTAIN   GUN          .....  267 

GREEK   OFFICERS   OF  THE   CRETAN   MILITIA              .                 .  275 

GUARD-HOUSES   ON   THE   TURKO-BULGARIAN    FRONTIER  282 

BULGARIAN    PEASANTS    RETURNING    FROM    MARKET               .  287 

A   BULGARIAN    INFANTRYMAN    .....  293 

THE   NEW   CATHEDRAL  AT   SOFIA    ....  3OO 

BULGARIAN    PEASANTS   IN   WINTER    COSTUME                   .                 .  306 

M.   MILOVANOVITCH,    FOREIGN   MINISTER   OF   SERVIA           .  310 

KING   NICHOLAS   I.   OF   MONTENEGRO    ....  316 


MAPS 

MAP   OF   DISTRICT   SURROUNDING  ADRIANOPLE      .  .  71 

MAP   OF  THE   PLAIN   OF   KONIA  ....      207 

i      GENERAL   MAP   OF  THE   NEAR   EAST  .  .  At  end  of  book 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  REGIME  IN  TURKEY 

Changes  which  are  noticeable  to  the  every-day  traveller — Personal 
security — The  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress — Parliamentary 
elections — Difficulty  of  finding  competent  officials  to  fill  Govern- 
ment appointments — Some  officials  described — The  fanaticism  of 
the  Mohammedan  population — Turkish  finance — The  necessity  for 
the  construction  of  Public  Works — Railways  proposed  and  under 
construction — Privileges  of  Christians  in  Turkey — The  Brigandage 
Law — Attitude  of  the  Bulgarians  and  Greeks  towards  the  New 
Regime — The  disarmament  of  the  Christians  of  Macedonia — The 
law  dealing  with  the  allotment  of  the  disputed  churches  and 
schools  in  Macedonia — Decentralisation. 

In  July,  1908,  the  Young  Turks  successfully  brought 
about  the  vi^onderful  revolution  as  a  result  of  which 
the  Ottoman  Empire  was  endowed  with  a  Constitution 
by  the  ex-Sultan  Abdul  Hamid.  In  April,  1909, 
occurred  the  counter-revolution  which,  had  it  been 
successful,  would  certainly  have  favoured  the  cause  of 
reaction.  As  both  these  events  were  already  matters 
of  history  when  I  returned  to  Turkey,  from  the  moment 
of  my  arrival  in  Constantinople,  and  during  my  many 
excursions  into  the  interior  of  the  country,  I  set  myself 
to  study  the  changes  which  were  markedly  apparent 
owing  to  the  establishment  of  the  New  Regime,  and 
also  to  discover  what  real  reforms  in  the  government 
of  the  country  had  already  been  introduced,  or  were 
about  to  be  introduced,  by  the  Young  Turks. 

First,   I    propose   to   consider   some   of   the   changes 
which  are  noticeable  to  the  everyday  man  who  is  not 

19 


20  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

interested  in  the  political  situation  in  the  country.  The 
fact  that  the  New  Regime  certainly  brought  with  it  the 
downfall  of  at  least  a  large  number  of  spies  is  markedly 
apparent  to  the  traveller  immediately  he  enters  Turkey. 
Largely  owing  to  this,  the  horrors  and  discomforts  of 
the  passage  through  the  custom-house  on  the  frontier 
or  at  Constantinople  have  been  reduced  almost  to  a 
minimum.  Although,  of  course,  the  Committee  of 
Union  and  Progress  has  its  secret  agents,  yet  that 
odious  crowd  of  spies  who  were  wont  to  hang  about 
the  Pera  hotels,  or  who  volunteered  their  assistance  to 
every  stranger  as  he  walked  through  the  streets  of  the 
capital,  or  travelled  in  the  interior  of  the  country,  are 
now  practically  non-existent.  Although,  too,  there  are 
still  complaints  about  the  manner  in  which  letters 
are  delivered  in  the  interior,  yet  in  the  capital  and 
in  the  larger  cities  at  least,  the  Ottoman  subject— be 
he  Moslem,  Jew,  or  Christian — ^can  now  receive  his 
letters  without  being  liable  at  any  moment  to  disclose 
their  contents  to  the  casual  agent  of  the  Yildiz  tyrant, 
who  often  waited  on  the  very  doorstep  of  a  foreign 
post-office  to  note  the  names  of  those  receiving  or 
posting  letters  under  the  protection  of  Europe. 

Since  the  advent  of  the  New  Regime  personal  security 
has,  no  doubt,  been  far  greater  than  it  was  during  the 
days  of  absolutism.  In  the  course  of  my  several  visits 
to  Turkey  under  the  Old  Regime,  I  was  never  permitted 
to  travel  in  the  interior  without  an  escort  of  at  least 
two  gendarmes.  Under  the  New  Regime  I  have  driven 
across  little -visited  districts  of  the  interior  of  European 
Turkey  unaccompanied  by  any  representative  of  the 
Turkish  Government.  Owing  to  this  greater  personal 
security,  the  Ottoman  peasant  can  now  not  only  travel 
with  more  safety  and  freedom,  but  he  is  able  to  gather 
his  crops  and  attend  to  his  sheep  with  a  feeling  of 
greater  confidence  than  he  has  done  for  many  years. 
Although,   too,   a  man   must   still   be   provided   with   a 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  REGIME     21 

teskerS^  or  local  passport,  before  he  can  move  from 
one  district  of  the  country  to  another,  yet  this  per- 
mission is  now  seldom  refused.  In  order  to  understand 
the  advantages  of  this  increased  Hberty,  it  is  necessary 
to  have  heard  from  the  people  themselves  what  it 
means  to  them.  Under  the  Old  Regime  a  friend  of 
mine  was  once  compelled  to  waste  two  whole  years  in 
trying  to  obtain  permission  to  travel  a  distance  of 
between  two  and  three  hundred  miles.  "  Imagine  what 
it  means  to  me/'  he  said,  *'  to  be  able  to  go  where  I 
like  without  fearing  that  once  I  leave  my  family  I  may 
never  be  allowed  to  return  to  them.'* 

Men  may  now  meet  and  speak  together  more  freely 
than  they  have  done  for  many  a  decade.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  movements,  actions,  and  probably  even 
the  conversations  of  famous  and  notorious  people  are 
noted,  perhaps  even  reported  to  the  Government,  or  to 
the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  but  in  the  words 
of  an  Asiatic  Christian,  "It  is  unpleasant  to  have  your 
actions  watched  and  reported  to  the  Government,  but 
it  is  far  worse  to  be  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison 
on  account  of  those  reports."  In  other  words,  men  are 
certainly  arrested  for  imaginary  offences  at  least  far 
less  often  than  they  were  during  the  Old  Regime. 

Although  the  Press  Law  itself  and  the  manner  in 
which  it  is  put  into  force  still  leaves  much  to  be  desired, 
yet  there  is  no  doubt  that  considerable  improvements 
have  been  introduced  in  this  respect  since  1908.  This 
change  is  noticeable  from  the  large  number  of  news- 
papers of  all  sorts  which  have  now  come  into  existence. 
So  strict  was  the  censorship  during  the  reign  of  Abdul 
Hamid  that  representatives  of  the  Government  would 
often  order  editors  to  cut  out  what  they  considered  to 
be  objectionable  words  or  phrases  before  the  paper 
was  published  at  all.  According  to  the  terms  of  the 
Constitution,  newspapers  can  now  under  no  circum- 
stances be  subjected  to  preliminary  censorship  prior  to 


22  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

publication.  At  present  the  manager  of  a  paper,  who 
according  to  the  Press  Law  must  be  an  Ottoman  subject, 
is  responsible  for  and  liable  to  punishment  on  account 
of  any  improper  news  or  comments  which  appear  in 
his  columns.  Several  papers  published  in  Turkey  have 
been  either  suspended  or  suppressed  by  order  of  the 
courts -martial  established  under  martial  law,  whilst 
other  organs  published  abroad  have  been  forbidden 
entrance  to  the  Ottoman  Empire.  The  fact  that  these 
papers  have  been  suspended  or  suppressed  because  they 
have  criticised  the  policy  of  the  Government,  or  perhaps 
only  that  of  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  is 
sufficient  to  prove  that  the  Press  Law  ought  to  be  sub- 
jected to  alteration.  Moreover,  what  is  still  worse  is 
the  manner  in  which  the  censorship  upon  the  Press 
is  enforced.  There  are  cases  where  papers  published 
in  Constantinople  have  been  suspended  or  suppressed 
altogether  on  account  of  the  appearance  of  some  harm- 
less publication,  whilst  other  organs,  renowned  for  the 
support  which  they  are  wont  to  give  to  the  Committee 
of  Union  and  Progress,  even  if  suppressed  at  all,  have 
been  allowed  to  reappear  at  once,  under  a  slightly 
different  name,  perhaps,  from  the  very  same  office,  and 
presided  over  by  the  same   editor  as   formerly. 

With  regard  to  the  position  of  Moslem  women  in 
Turkey,  although  many  years  must  necessarily  elapse, 
and  although  several  generations  must  rise  and  decline 
before  anything  perceptible  can  be  brought  about  in 
the  direction  of  the  emancipation  of  women,  yet  I  think 
that  certain  minute  changes  have  already  been  effected 
since  the  advent  of  the  New  Regime.  In  spite  of  the 
fact  that  I  believe  Turkish  women  are  now  no  more 
free  than  they  were  thirty  or  forty  years  ago,  yet  on 
my  return  to  Turkey  after  the  establishment  of  the 
Constitution  I  observed  a  distinct  tendency  amongst 
the  women  to  go  about  a  little  more  openly  than  they 
had    been    allowed    to    do    during   the    final    years    of 


SOME  ASPECTS   OF  THE  NEW   Rl^GIME      23 

absolutism.  In  Constantinople  I  have  noticed  Turkish 
ladies  driving  with  their  husbands,  and  in  the  provinces 
I  have  found  a  husband  and  wife  travelling  in  the  same 
railway  compartment.  A  certain  number  of  women, 
too,  are  perhaps  slightly  less  careful  to  arrange  their 
headgear  so  that  it  entirely  protects  their  hair  from 
view.  These  things  are  unimportant  in  themselves,  but 
that  they  should  occur  at  all  is  a  distinct  sign  of  the 
times.  Moreover,  in  order  to  fit  women  of  the  future 
to  take  a  more  important  position  in  Turkey,  efforts 
are  now  being  made  to  improve  the  education  of  at 
least  a  certain  number  of  Turkish  girls.  The  move- 
ment has  been  set  on  foot  and  is  supported  by  Turkish 
ladies,  some  of  whom  have  received  valuable  assistance 
from  Miss  Isabel  Fry,  who  went  to  Turkey  early  in 
1909  with  the  object  of  advising  the  promoters  of  the 
women's  movement.  The  Young  Turks,  too,  have  shown 
their  desire  to  do  something  to  further  education 
amongst  Moslem  women  by  effecting  some  improve- 
ments in  the  Dar-Ul-Mahlyumat  school  at  Constanti- 
nople, and  by  sending  five  orphan  girls  to  the  American 
College  in  Constantinople  to  be  educated  as  Government 
teachers. 

In  approaching  a  discussion  as  to  the  real  reforms 
which  either  have  been  or  still  must  be  effected  by 
the  New  Regime,  it  is  advisable  first  to  consider  the 
organisation  of  and  position  which  has  been  occupied 
by  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress.  Much  as 
has  been  written  on  this  subject  by  authorities  who 
are  far  more  qualified  to  discuss  it  than  the  humble 
observer  who  pens  these  lines,  it  is  safe  to  affirm  that 
but  few  except  the  inner  ring  of  Young  Turks  themselves 
even  now  understand  more  than  the  vaguest  details  of 
the  manner  in  which  this  mysterious  organisation 
attained  the  power  which  enabled  it  to  bring  about 
the  revolution.  Still  less  is  known  of  the  methods  by 
which   the   Committee   has   spread   and   maintained   its 


24  THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

influence  since  1908.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  I  have 
conversed  in  various  parts  of  the  Empire  with  many 
Young  Turks  upon  these  subjects — men  who  have  been 
and  are  actively  mixed  up  in  the  movement — I  have 
never  been  able  to  ascertain  more  than  the  most  hazy 
outline  of  how  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress 
not  only  effected  the  revolution,  but  subsequently  how 
it  established  itself  as  the  most  powerful  influence 
existing  in  the  country. 

It  was  in  1891,  prior  to  which  date  the  Young  Turk 
party  did  not  possess  any  real  organisation,  that  a  body 
known  as  the  Ottoman  Committee  of  Union  and  Pro- 
gress was  founded  at  Geneva.  Subsequently  the 
headquarters  of  this  Society  were  moved  to  Paris,  finally 
to  be  established  in  Salonika  in  1906.  When  the 
Committee  began  its  active  work  in  Turkey  the 
sympathisers  with  liberalism  were  formed  into  small 
groups,  each  made  up  of  from  five  to  seven  members. 
Each  group  was  connected  with  one  other  group  by 
one  of  its  members — a  sort  of  messenger,  who  knew 
the  man  holding  a  like  office  in  another  group.  Thus 
no  ordinary  member  of  the  Committee  except  these 
messengers  was  supposed  to  know  more  than  his  own 
group.  These  little  parties  were  formed  into  sort  of 
district  communities  and,  in  addition,  every  vilayet  had 
a  superior  organisation.  Elaborate  precautions  were 
taken  to  ensure  the  fidelity  of  each  Ottoman  to  the 
cause  of  liberalism  before  he  was  permitted  to  be- 
come a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Union  and 
Progress. 

After  the  Constitution  had  been  firmly  established, 
the  organisation  of  the  Committee  was  somewhat 
changed,  and  its  programme  is  now  carried  out  largely 
by  clubs  to  which  the  members  of  the  Committee 
always  belong.  Every  caza,  or  district,  has  a  club. 
Each  sanjak  possesses  a  superior  club,  and  every  vilayet 
has  a  still  more  important  club.     At  Salonika,  in  addi- 


SOME  AJSPECTS   OF  THE  NEW  REGIME      25 

tion  to  the  vilayet  club,  there  is  a  club  or  Committee 
for  the  whole  Empire.  Although  for  the  most  part 
the  members  of  these  clubs  and  of  their  committees  are 
known,  yet  there  is  no  doubt  that  either  in  connection 
with  this  headquarter  club  or  else  as  a  separate 
organisation,  there  exists  a  Central  Committee  whose 
menibers  are  not  known  for  certain  except  to  the 
initiated  few.  In  spite  of  the  decision  taken  at  a 
general  meeting  held  at  Salonika  in  October,  1909, 
at  which  it  was  decided  that  the  Committee  should 
henceforth  cease  to  be  a  secret  association,  yet  as  far 
as  one  can  ascertain  it  is  upon  this  **  inner  council  " 
that  all  the  ordinary  clubs  and  committees  depend. 
This  central  organisation  appears  not  only  to  main- 
tain its  influence  and  to  issue  its  orders  through  the 
medium  of  the  clubs  which  I  have  already  described, 
but  also  to  send  secret  inspectors  to  different  parts  of 
the  Empire  to  see  that  those  orders  are  being  properly 
carried  out.  Sometimes  these  inspectors  travel  in- 
cognito and  only  disclose  their  identity  if  they  discover 
that  abuses  are  being  committed,  whilst  on  other 
occasions  men  who  are  known  to  those  they  inspect 
are  sent  to  enforce  the  orders  of  this  secret  organisation. 
For  many  months  after  the  advent  of  the  Constitution 
the  Committee  was  for  all  practical  purposes  the 
Government  of  Turkey.  After  the  revolution  of 
July,  1908,  the  patriots  who  had  overthrown  the 
despotism  of  Abdul  Hamid  did  not,  and  rightly  did 
not,  entrust  the  government  of  the  Empire  to  men 
m.any  of  whom  were  either  notoriously  corrupt,  as  a 
result  of  lifelong  training  under  the  ex -Sultan,  or  hope- 
lessly incompetent  owing  to  inexperience.  What,  there- 
fore, happened  was  that  the  best  men  available  were 
nominated  to  fill  the  Cabinet,  and  to  act  as  the  figure- 
heads of  the  Government  in  the  provinces,  whilst  the 
actual  and  real  power  remained  with  the  members  of 
the  secret  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  in  whose 


26  THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

hands  the  ministers  and  officials  were  mere  puppets. 
In  view  of  the  difficulties  of  the  situation  it  is  quite 
possible  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  Young  Turks 
to  follow  this  course,  but  the  fact  that  such  a 
policy  was  adopted  certainly  lost  to  the  State  the 
services  of  more  than  one  official  well  known  for  his 
honesty  and  for  his  experience.  As  a  result  of  the 
influence  of  the  Committee,  Kiamil  Pasha,  in  my 
opinion — old  as  he  is — the  greatest  Turkish  statesman, 
was  removed  from  office  for  quite  inadequate  causes 
and  in  a  most  unconstitutional  manner.  Subsequently 
the  position  of  Nouradounghian  Effendi,  who  occupied 
the  post  of  Minister  of  Public  Works  from  July,  1908, 
until  August,  1 909,  was  made  untenable  by  the  intrigues 
of  the  Committee  and  its  supporters  in  order  that  his 
place  might  be  taken  by  a  man  who  would  be  more 
obedient  to  the  orders  of  this  secret  organisation. 

As  time  wore  on,  the  Committee,  having  obtained 
an  enormous  majority  for  its  supporters  in  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies,  and  having  spread  its  influence  in  the  Army, 
began  openly  to  fill  the  Ministry  and  all  the  Government 
appointments  with  men  recruited  from  its  ranks.  Thus, 
although  the  Committee  may  have  become  somewhat 
less  of  an  '*  influence  behind  the  throne  "  than  it  was 
prior  to  the  retirement  of  Hilmi  Pasha  from  the  post 
of  Grand  Vizier  at  the  end  of  1 909,  yet,  as  whatever  his 
qualifications  may  be  a  man  is  but  seldom  appointed 
to  fill  any  important  post  unless  he  is  a  member  of  the 
Committee,  it  is  clear  that  this  body  is  still  endowed 
with  enormous  power.  Bad  as  this  state  of  things 
may  be,  it  is  better  that  a  minister  or  a  local  governor 
should  be  the  nominee  and  representative  of  a  more 
or  less  secret  organisation  than  that  every  official  should 
nominally  be  responsible  to  the  Government,  and  at 
the  same  time  really  be  subjected  to  the  supervision 
of  a  body  of  men  of  whose  names  and  identity  he  is 
in  ignorance.     In  short,  the  power  of  the  Committee 


KIAMIL    PASHA. 
Grand  Vizier,  August,  1908,  to  February,  1909. 


To  face  p.  26. 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  REGIME      27 

still  exists,  but  its  influence  is  used  through  the  medium 
of  its  members  who  are  now  officials,  instead  of  to 
terrorise  over  men  who  were  not  really  its  supporters, 
but  who  filled  the  appointments  of  the  Government. 

Although  it  is  obvious  that  the  Young  Turks,  whose 
opinion  was  then  largely  voiced  by  the  Committee  of 
Union  and  Progress,  were  anxious  to  secure  and  did 
really  obtain  a  large  majority  in  the  Chamber, 
yet  I  found  that  the  fact  of  the  parliamentary  elections 
not  having  been  fairly,  or  at  least  more  or  less  fairly, 
carried  out  is  certainly  responsible  for  a  large  amount 
of  the  discontent  which  exists,  especially  amongst  the 
non-Turkish  elements  of  the  population  of  the  Ottoman 
Empire.  The  people,  and  in  particular  the  Christians, 
feel  as  the  absolutism  of  Abdul  Hamid  and  that  of  his 
agents  in  the  provinces  has  been  abolished,  and  as 
they  have  not  got  fair  representation  in  Parliament,  that 
they  now  possess  no  medium  through  which  to  make 
known  their  complaints  and  wishes  to  the  Government. 
In  other  words,  the  fact  that  the  tyrant  of  Yildiz  has 
been  removed  but  that  he  has  not  been  replaced  by 
a  representative  Government  gives  the  people  the  oppor- 
tunity of  saying  that  they  now  possess  nobody  to  whom 
to  go  in  case  of  need.  Such  a  condition  of  affairs 
can  naturally  be  utilised  by  more  than  one  class  of  men 
hostile  to  the  New  Regime  in  Turkey. 

I  do  not  think  that  either  anybody  who  knew  the 
conditions  prevailing  in  Turkey,  or  even  the  non-Turkish 
elements  of  the  population  themselves,  expected  that 
the  first  Ottoman  Parliament  under  this  Regime  would 
really  represent  the  wishes  of  the  majority  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Empire.  tWhat  was  expected  was  that 
the  elections  would  be  carried  out  with  some  degree 
of  fairness,  and  that  the  Government  would  take  the 
leaders  of  the  various  races  into  their  confidence  and 
discuss  how  the  electoral  campaign  should  be  carried 
out   in   the   best  interests   of  the  Empire   as  a  whole. 


28  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  attitude  of  the  majority 
of  the  non-Turks  towards  the  Old  Regime,  the  manner 
in  which  at  least  the  large  proportion  of  these  people 
joined  in  the  revolt  of  1908,  and  assisted  the  Young 
Turks  to  accomplish  what  is  one  of  the  most  wonderful 
revolutions  of  history,  undoubtedly  warranted  that  these 
men  should  not  have  been  treated  as  mere  suspects 
both   during   and   subsequent   to   the   elections. 

The  Electoral  Law  itself  is  sufficiently  definite  to 
ensure  tolerably  fair  representation  to  the  population. 
The  system  of  choosing  deputies  is  by  indirect  election. 
Every  group  of  from  500  to  750  male  Ottomans  elects 
by  ballot  an  elector  of  the  second  degree,  who  in  his 
turn  registers  his  vote  in  favour  of  a  deputy.  According 
to  the  law,  however,  when  an  administrative  district 
only  possesses  from  250  to  500  males  eligible  to  vote 
this  number  is  allowed  to  elect  an  elector  of  the  second 
degree.  In  spite  of  these  regulations  every  form  of 
abuse  took  place  during  the  elections.  In  order  to 
lessen  the  number  of  non-Turkish  voters  it  is  said, 
and  I  fully  believe,  that  as  many  Christians  as  possible 
were  struck  off  the  register  by  the  commissioners  who 
were  appointed  to  revise  the  list  of  voters  prepared 
locally  by  the  heads  of  each  community.  Besides  this 
in  places  where  Moslems  and  especially  Turks  were 
in  the  ascendancy,  the  primary  electors  were  classed 
in  groups  so  that  only  just  over  250  voters  chose 
an  elector,  whilst  in  places  where  the  Christians 
were  in  the  ascendancy  it  was  so  arranged  that  nearly 
750  voters  chose  one  of  these  electors.  In  the 
towns,  when  a  big  population  was  entitled  to  elect  a 
considerable  number  of  electors,  the  district  was  always 
so  divided  as  to  secure  to  the  Turks  the  majority  of 
voters  in  each  group  destined  to  nominate  an  elector. 
In  a  town  containing,  as  many  towns  do,  several  distinct 
quarters,  instead  of  arranging  the  voters  by  districts, 
into    each   group    of   Moslem    voters    would    be    intro- 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  RJ^GIME     29 

duced  a  certain  number  of  Christians,  always  so 
arranged   that   the   Moslems   were   in   the  majority. 

Again,  non-Turkish  voters  were  often  obliged  to 
travel  great  distances  in  order  to  vote.  This  arrange- 
ment naturally  caused  many  men  to  sacrifice  their  votes 
rather  than  lose  the  time  which  was  necessary  if  they 
desired  to  register  them.  During  the  elections  of  1908 
it  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  a  voter  domiciled  in 
a  village  A  to  be  obliged  to  pass  right  through  a  town- 
ship B  in  order  to  vote  at  village  C.  In  some  cases 
men  were  even  forced  to  travel  as  much  as  six  hours 
(12  to  15  miles)  to  record  their  votes,  when  they  might 
have  taken  part  in  an  election  close  at  hand. 

Young  Turks  of  all  classes  confess  that  one  of  their 
greatest  difficulties  is  to  find  enough  competent  and  at 
the  same  time  honest  men  to  fill  the  Government  ap- 
pointments which  either  have  been  or  should  be  rendered 
vacant  by  the  retirement  of  officials  who  are  either 
openly  or  secretly  the  supporters  of  the  Old  Regime. 
Under  the  ex -Sultan  Abdul  Hamid  an  honest  official 
was  always  regarded  with  suspicion,  and  therefore  such 
a  man  had  become  rare.  Consequently  the  complete 
reform  of  the  whole  Civil  Service  and  the  wholesale 
dismissal  of  a  large  number  of  corrupt  and  incompetent 
officials,  who  held  their  posts  owing  to  favouritism, 
was  absolutely  necessary.  If,  however,  all  the  men  who 
held  office  under  the  absolutism  of  Abdul  Hamid  were 
dismissed,  it  is  obvious  that  the  affairs  of  the  State 
would  be  directed  by  men  without  any  experience,  and 
that  those  discharged  would  form  a  huge  army  of  mal- 
contents, always  ready  to  throw  in  their  lot  in  favour 
of  reaction.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  these  men  are 
allowed  to  remain  in  office,  in  spite  of  the  support  which 
they  now  give  openly  to  the  Young  Turks,  there  will 
always  be  a  danger  that  they  will  secretly  use  their 
influence  in  favour  of  despotism. 

As  I  have  described  elsewhere  a  few  of  the  officials 


30  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

whom  I  found  carrying  out  the  mandate  of  the  Young 
Turks  in  parts  of  Asia  Minor,  I  will  here  confine  myself 
to  making  a  few  remarks  about  some  of  the  men  with 
whom  I  talked  and  of  whom  I  heard  during  my  jour- 
neys in  the  interior  of  European  Turkey.  When  I 
was  in  Monastir,  in  September,  1909,  that  important 
province  was  governed  by  Fakri  Pasha,  an  intelligent, 
liberal-minded  man  of  about  forty-five  years  of  age. 
As  a  result  of  several  conversations  which  I  had  with 
his  Excellency,  I  was  greatly  impressed  with  the 
manner  in  which  he  was  undoubtedly  trying  to  govern 
his  province  for  the  welfare  of  its  inhabitants,  and 
for  the  good  of  the  Empire  at  large.  Almost  im- 
mediately after  my  departure  from  Monastir,  I  heard 
that  Fakri  Pasha  had  been  withdrawn  from  his  pro- 
vince. Whether  the  change  was  due  to  the  fact  that 
Fakri  Pasha — a  good  Moslem^ — was  popular  amongst  the 
Christians  of  Monastir,  or  whether  he  desired  to  take 
upon  himself  more  power  than  the  Committee  of  Union 
and  Progress  desired  to  delegate  to  him;  I  am  unable 
to  say.  The  fact  reniains  that  his  Excellency,  who 
was  subsequently  sent  to  govern  a  somewhat  remote 
province  of  Asiatic  Turkey,  was  succeeded  by  an  official 
whose  sole  qualification  appears  to  have  been  that  he 
was  secretary  to  Hilmi  Pasha  during  the  time  that  his 
Highness  was  Inspector-General  of  the  Macedonian 
vilayets,  prior  to  the  establishment  of  the  Constitution. 
Those  who  visited  Turkey  during  this  period  can  judge 
for  themselves  whether  this  was  a  satisfactory 
qualification  or  not. 

In  the  course  of  a  visit  to  Salonika  I  had  the  honour 
of  meeting  Ibrahim  Bey — then  Governor-General  of  this 
vilayet.  His  Excellency,  who  is  the  son  of  an  ex- 
Sheik  UI  Islam,  was,  prior  to  his  appointment,  a  judge 
of  the  Court  of  Appeal  at  Constantinople.  Honest 
as  this  official  may  be — I  have  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  he  is  otherwise — he  can  hardly  have  sufficient  ex- 


SOME   ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW   Rl^GIME     31 

perience  to  enable  him  to  govern  one  of  the  most 
important,  if  not  the  most  important  district  in  ;the 
Empire.  Mazhar  Bey,  the  Governor  of  Uskub  at  the 
time  of  my  visit  to  that  town,  is  the  son  of  the  deputy 
for  Ipek.  Judging  from'  the  reports  which  I  heard, 
and  drawing  my  conclusions  from  subsequent  events, 
there  seems  every  reason  to  suppose  that  his  Excellency, 
who  had  been  secretary  to  the  Vali  of  Uskub  under  the 
Old  Regime,  was  himself  appointed  as  Governor  of  the 
Kossovo  vilayet  solely  because  he  is  an  active  member 
of  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress. 

I  will  only  allude  to  the  case  of  one  other  official 
who  has  held  important  appointments  under  the  New 
Regime.  I  refer  to  Mustafa  Zihni  Pasha,  who  was,  and 
I  believe  still  is.  Governor  of  the  vilayet  of  Yanina. 
Prior  to  his  arrival  in  Yanina,  Mustafa  Zihni  Pasha  was 
Governor  of  the  province  of  Adana,  where  his  adminis- 
tration left  much  to  be  desired.  Whether  his  Excellency 
is  carrying  out  his  duties  better  at  Yanina  than  he  did 
in  Adana  I  alil  not  in  position  to  state  from  personal 
observation,  but  the  fact  renmins  that  the  appointment 
of  such  a  man  to  administer  a  province  populated, 
by  inhabitants  belonging  to  at  least  three  races,  and 
divided  both  by  religious  beliefs  and  political  aspira- 
tions, certainly  renders  the  Young  Turks  liable  to 
criticism.  The  opponents  of  the  party  at  present  in 
power  at  Constantinople  are  not  slow  to  seize  the  oppor- 
tunity of  affirming  that  Mustafa  Zihni  Pasha  was  sent 
to  Yanina  on  account  of  his  relationship  to  people  who 
possess  influence  in  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Pro- 
gress. 

The  fanaticism'  of  the  Mohammedan  population  of 
the  Empire  is  probably  one  of  the  greatest  obstacles 
which  has  to  be  encountered  by  the  Young  Turks. 
Whether  or  not  equality  is  in  accordance  with  the  spirit 
and  letter  of  the  Koran  is  a  matter  upon  which  I  will 
not  attempt  to  give  any  opinion.     I  have  talked  with 


32  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Young  Turks  and  learned  expounders  of  the  Moham- 
medan religion  who  state  that  liberal  ideas  are  sup- 
ported by  the  Koran.  I  have  met  Young  Turks  who 
have  not  only  affirtned  that  the  people,  even  of  Asia 
Minor,  are  not  fanatical,  but  who  have  stated  that  the 
Koran  can  easily  be  explained  and  re-interpreted  to 
suit  the  spirit  of  Liberalism.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
Young  Turks  are  not  fanatical,  and  that  many  of  them 
are  even  '*  Free  Thinkers."  One  of  these  gentlemen — 
a  thoroughly  enlightened  man,  and  one  who  had  done 
and  was  still  doing  much  for  the  cause  of  liberty, 
once  explained  to  me  that  in  his  opinion  religion  was 
essential  to  nations  in  the  past,  but  that  it  could  not 
be  allowed  to  affect  the  destiny  of  the  world  and  its 
inhabitants  to-day.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the 
ignorant  people  of  the  Empire  will  accept  this  view, 
or  that  the  majority  of  khojas  would  ever  allow  the 
Koran  to  be  interpreted  for  political  purposes.  In  a 
country  where  the  population  is  mixed,  and  where  there 
is,  therefore,  always  a  special  danger  of  an  appeal  to 
religious  sentiment,  it  will  certainly  necessitate  the  lapse 
of  a  considerable  period  of  time  before  the  unedu- 
cated peasants  can  be  persuaded  to  believe  that  equality, 
which  will  endow  the  Christian  with  so  many  privileges 
formerly  only  possessed  by  the  **  True  Believer,"  is 
not  in  contravention  of  the  traditions  written  or  un- 
written upon  which  Mohammedan  teaching  is  based. 
The  question  of  finance  presents  great  difficulties 
for  the  Young  Turks — difficulties  which  these  reformers 
have  not  at  present  made  any  adequate  efforts  to  over- 
come. The  improvement  in  the  manner  of  collecting 
revenue  and  certain  economies  which  have  been  intro- 
duced in  the  administration  will  enable  some  saving 
to  be  effected.  In  spite  of  this,  even  if  due  care  is 
exercised,  it  will,  at  least  for  many  years  to  come,  be 
difficult  for  the  Turks  to  prevent  a  considerable  margin 
occurring  between  the  necessary  annual  expenditure  and 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  RISGIME     33 

the  actual  revenue  of  the  country.  If  officials  are  to 
be  honest,  they  must  receive  their  legitimate  salaries, 
whilst  if  the  Anny  and  the  Navy  are  to  remain  loyal 
to  the  New  Regime,  soldiers  and  sailors  must  not  only 
be  properly  fed  and  clothed,  but  they  must  be  regularly 
paid. 

Whilst  the  estimates  for  the  year   1 9 1  o- 1 1   showed 
a  revenue  of  slightly  over  £T2 6,000,000,  and  an  ex- 
penditure of  more  than  £T3  5,000,000,   those  for  the 
year   191 1- 12  show  a  revenue  of  over  £T28, 5 00,000, 
and  an  expenditure  of  more  than  £T3  5,000,000.     To 
cover  these  and  other  deficits  and  to  enable  the  Yoimg 
Turks  to  carry  out  certain  parts  of  their  programme  of 
reform,  the  Ottoman  Government  has,  since  the  advent 
of  the  New  Regime,  borrowed  nearly  £T  19,000,000. 
This  includes  the  principal  portion  of  the    19 10  loan, 
but    excludes    the    £T3,96o,ooo    practically    arranged 
for    by    Djavid    Bey.      In    addition,    the    Turkish    ex- 
chequer either  has  or  should  have  been  in  receipt  of 
£T2,20o,ooo — the  amount  paid  by  Austria  in  exchange 
for  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  besides 
at    least    £T  1,000,000    found    at    Yildiz    amongst    the 
treasures  of  Abdul  Hamid.     This  does  not  include  the 
wealth  of  Abdul  Hamid  deposited  in  the  German  banks. 
It    is,    moreover,    uncertain    what    proportion    of    the 
Treasury  bonds  issued  on  various  occasions  has  been 
renewed.     The  amounts  acquired  by  this  method  are 
not  considered  under  the  above  headings. 

With  the  exception  of  the  loan  of  19 10,  the  Young 
Turks  have  had  no  serious  difficulty  in  obtaining  the 
money  which  they  have  required.  In  spite  of  this,  it 
must  not  be  lost  sight  of  that  every  million  borrowed  not 
only  places  Turkey  still  further  in  the  hands  of  her 
creditors,  who  will  sooner  or  later  insist  on  absolute 
control  of  the  finances  of  the  country,  but  it  also 
increases  the  burden  of  taxation  which  has  to  be  borne 
by  the  population,  so  large  a  proportion  of  which  is 

3 


34  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

fiJade  up  of  penniless  agriculturalists.  Unfortunately, 
too,  the  millions  of  pounds  thus  obtained  by  Turkey 
have  not  been  devoted  to  any  object  which  will  either 
increase  the  prosperity  of  the  country  or  give  employ- 
ment to  its  inhabitants.  Vast  sums  of  money  have  been 
allotted  to  the  improvement  of  the  Army  and  to  the 
remodelling  of  the  Navy.  It  is  generally  believed  that 
at  least  the  fortune  of  Abdul  Hamid,  to  which  I  have 
already  alluded,  never  entered  the  exchequer  at  all, 
but  was  handed  over  to  the  military  authorities.  It  is 
certain,  too,  that  the  balance  of  the  riches  of  the  ex- 
Sultan — lodged  in  Germany  (and  only  acquired  by  the 
Government  during  the  year  1910)  was  at  once  devoted 
to  the  purchase  of  two  German  warships.  Although 
this  system  of  spending  enormous  sums  of  money 
upon  preparations  for  War  may  tend  to  maintain  the 
popularity  of  the  Government  in  the  eyes  of  the  Army 
and  of  the  Navy,  as  well  as  of  the  more  Chauvinistic 
members  of  the  population,  it  will  not  conduce  to  estab- 
lish the  financial  position  of  Turkey  upon  a  sound  basis. 
For  financial  as  well  as  for  other  reasons,  the  Young 
Turks  desire  the  abrogation  of  the  Capitulations,  under 
which,  aiilongst  many  other  privileges,  foreigners  resi- 
dent in  the  Ottoman  Empire  enjoy  immunity  from  so 
many  taxes.  In  spite  of  the  rivalry  between  the  Powers 
of  the  Triple  Alliance  and  those  of  the  Triple  Entente, 
such  a  change  can  hardly  be  permitted  until  some  signs 
are  apparent  that  the  reforms  already  promised  by  the 
Young  Turks  either  have  been  or  are  about  to  be 
effected.  Besides  many  other  things,  justice  must  be 
introduced  in  the  law  courts,  which,  at  least  as  far  as 
European  Turkey  is  concerned,  have  been  but  little 
reformed  by  the  New  Regime.  Moreover,  before  the 
Great  Powers  sanction  the  abolition  of  the  Capitula- 
tions, some  guarantee  should  be  extended  to  Europe 
that  the  money,  subsequently  to  be  collected  from 
foreigners,  will  be  devoted  to  objects  which  will  im- 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE   NEW  Rl^GIME     35 

prove  the  welfare  of  the  people,  instead  of  solely  to  the 
development  of  an  Army  and  of  a  Navy  which  are 
not  only  detrimental  to  the  good  government  of  the 
Ottoman  Empire,  but  which  are  dangerous  to  the  peace 
of  Europe.  Guarantees  of  a  like  nature  may  well  be 
exacted  before  the  Great  Powers  allow  Turkey  to 
increase  her  general  import  duty  from  eleven  to  fifteen 
per  cent. — a  change  which,  although  it  may  benefit  the 
exchequer,  may  well  carry  with  it  considerable  dis- 
advantages to  at  least  a  large  proportion  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  who  for  many  years  to 
come  must  be  so  largely  dependent  for  their  daily 
wants  upon  foreign  manufactured,  and  consequently 
upon   imported,   goods. 

One  of  the  most  urgent  needs  in  Turkey  is  the 
construction  of  Public  Works.  The  building  of  roads 
and  railways  will  carry  with  it  economical  as  well  as 
political  advantages  to  the  State.  New  means  of  com- 
munication, especially  in  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor, 
would  not  only  help  the  inhabitants  to  bring  their  pro- 
duce to  the  local  markets,  or  to  transport  it  to  the  sea 
coast,  but  they  will  be  the  means  of  enabling  the  Turkish 
Government  to  maintain  its  influence  over  the  population 
and  also  to  restore  order  in  case  of  any  disturbance  in 
the  interior.  Moreover,  the  coming  of  roads  and  rail- 
ways will  show  the  people  of  the  country,  and  especially 
those  of  Eastern  Anatolia,  that  the  New  Regime  is 
really  doing  something,  and  that  they  themselves  are 
going  to  gain  real  advantages  from  it.  At  the  present 
time,  the  people  of  the  interior  have  nothing  which  they 
can  see  is  the  result  of  the  reforms  introduced  by  the 
Young  Turks.  As  one  travels  about  (especially  in 
Asia  Minor),  and  converses  with  the  village  hanji  (hotel- 
keeper),  or  the  local  cab-driver,  one  finds  that  they 
have  all  heard  of  the  Harriet  (Constitution),  but  that 
the  majority  of  the  more  ignorant  people  do  not  under- 
stand its  meaning.     The  construction  of  Public  Works, 


3«  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

which  will  carry  with  it  employment  for  the  people, 
will  not  only  give  real  force  to  the  Constitution,  but 
it  will  rob  the  reactionaries  of  the  argument,  which  is 
so  useful  to  them,  that  the  people  have  benefited  nothing 
from  the  overthrow  of  despotism. 

I  have  said  enough  to  prove  the  advisability  of  con- 
structing roads  and  railways  in  Turkey.  Economically, 
other  species  of  Public  Works — irrigation  schemes,  tele- 
phones, electric  light,  and  waterworks  are  almost  equally 
necessary.  Since  the  establishment  of  the  Constitution, 
various  reports  dealing  with  the  proposed  construction 
of  Public  Works  have  been  drawn  up  by  Gabriel 
Nouradounghian  Effendi  and  by  Haladjian  Effendi,  who 
have  both  at  different  periods  held  the  position  of 
Minister  of  Public  Works  in  the  Ottoman  Cabinet.  In 
spite  of  these  schemes— excellent  in  themselves— the 
Government  has  granted  but  few  concessions  under 
which  some  of  the  more  important  of  the  proposed  works 
might  easily  have  been  constructed.  This  governmental 
indolence,  although  in  some  degree  due  to  the  ignorance 
on  the  part  of  its  members  about  all  things  apper- 
taining to  business,  is  far  "more  largely  the  result  of  the 
fear  of  the  Ministers  to  take  responsibility.  Notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  this  fear  is  not  unreasonable — 
the  fall  of  Hilmi  Pasha*  was  undoubtedly  partly  caused 
by  the  attitude  which  he  and  his  colleagues  took  up 
towards  one  commercial  scheme  which  was  not  received 
with  favour  by  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress — 
yet  as  long  as  such  a  state  of  thing  exists,  the  develop- 
ment of  the  many  resources  possessed  by  Turkey  must 
remain  almost  at  a  standstill. 

Prior  to  the  spring  of  the  year  1 9 1  o,  the  Young  Turks 
did  not  attempt  to  make  any  adequate  provision  for 
road  construction.  It  was  then  that  the  Turkish 
Chamber  voted  nearly  two  million  pounds  to  be  devoted 
to  this  purpose  during  the  ensuing  two  years.  Whether 
the    programme    which    provides    for   the    building    of 


HILMI    PASHA. 

Hilmi  Pasha  was  Grand  Vizier  from  February,  1909,  until  the  commencement  of    the 
counter  revolution  in  April,  and  from  May  5,  1909,  until  December  28,  1909. 


To  face  p.  36. 


SOME   ASPECTS   OF  THE  NEW  R]6GIME     37 

between  six  and  seven  thousand  miles  of  chaussee 
— partly  in  European  but  mostly  in  Asiatic  Turkey — 
will  ever  be  realised  time  alone  can  prove.  Although, 
too,  a  large  number  of  railway  schemes  have  been  under 
discussion,  the  Ottoman  Government  has  only  actually 
sanctioned  the  construction  of  two  new  lines.  In 
European  Turkey  the  Oriental  Railway  Company  has 
obtained  a  concession  to  build  a  line  about  thirty  miles 
in  length,  from  Baba  Eski — on  the  main  route  from 
Constantinople  to  Adrianople — to  Kirk  Killisse.  It  is 
proposed  that  this  railway  should  subsequently  be  con- 
tinued as  far  north  as  the  Bulgarian  frontier,  and  that 
a  line  should  be  built  to  connect  Rodosto  on  the  Sea 
of  Marmora  with  the  main  Orient  Express  route.  In 
Asia  Minor,  with  the  exception  of  the  Bagdad  line,  with 
which  I  shall  deal  briefly  elsewhere,  the  only  important 
railway  which  is  at  present  under  construction  is  that 
from  Panderma,  on  the  Sea  of  Marmora,  to  Soma.  This 
line,  which  will  be  about  one  hundred  and  fifteen  miles 
long,  and  which  will  bring  Smyrna  into  direct  railway 
communication  with  the  Sea  of  Marmora,  is  being  con- 
structed by  the  Smyrna  Cassaba  Railway  Company — 
a  French  syndicate  which  has  already  opened  (as  a 
branch  of  its  main  line  from  Smyrna  to  Afiun 
Karahissar)  a  railway  as  far  north  as  Soma. 

The  most  important  lines  in  European  Turkey  the 
construction  of  which  is  under  discussion  are  those 
which  would  respectively  provide  direct  communication 
from  Sofia  to  Salonika,  and  which  would  join  the  Greek 
railway  system  with  that  of  Turkey.  I  shall  deal  later 
on  in  this  volume  with  the  lines  which  would  affect  Bul- 
garia. The  Greek  Government  has  already  completed  a 
line  from  Larissa  to  Karalik  Devene — a  small  village  on 
the  Graeco -Turkish  frontier.  In  order  that  Greece  may 
be  placed  in  direct  communication  with  Europe,  it  there- 
fore only  remains  for  Turkey  to  build  a  line  about 
fifty  miles  in  length  which  would  connect  the  Greek 


38  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

frontier  station  with  the  existing  railway  from  Salonika 
to  Monastir.  Such  a  line  must  carry  with  it  great 
commercial  advantages  to  Turkey.  Two  more  or  less 
rival  schemes  exist  for  this  new  railway.  The  delay 
in  sanctioning  the  construction  of  this  small  section 
appears  to  be  caused  by  the  fact  that  the  Turks  wish 
to  have  a  line  running  inland  which  would  connect 
Larissa  in  Greece  with  Karaferia  in  Turkey.  The  Greeks 
on  their  part  would  like  a  new  line  running  along  the 
coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Salonika,  which  would  join  Karalik 
Devene  with  Gidia  on  the  existing  railway  from  Salonika 
to  Monastir.  If  the  rumour  that  the  Turkish  Government 
has  decided  to  build  a  line  from  Karaferia  to  Elassona 
be  true,  it  is  probable  that  the  Greek  Government  will 
build  another  short  section  to  connect  Larissa  with  the 
Graeco -Turkish  frontier  to  the  South  of  Elassona.  As 
far  as  Asia  Minor  is  concerned  the  only  two  important 
lines  the  construction  of  which  is  contemplated  in  the 
near  future  is  that  from  Samsoun  to  Sivas,  and  that 
from  Ada  Bazaar  to  Boli  by  way  of  Duzje. 

Since  the  advent  of  the  Constitution,  the  Young  Turks 
have  made  determined  attempts  to  withdraw  many  of  the 
privileges  possessed  in  a  greater  or  a  lesser  degree  by 
all  the  Christian  races  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  These 
attempts  are  and  have  been  the  cause  of  much  of  the  re- 
sentment felt  by  the  Christians  towards  the  New  Regime. 
Although  it  is  not  unnatural  that  the  Young  Turks  should 
wish,  as  far  as  possible,  to  place  all  members  of  the 
population  under  the  same  law,  yet  it  is  clear  that  the 
Christian  communities  cannot  be  expected  to  surrender 
their  privileges,  many  of  which  they  have  possessed  for 
centuries,  at  least  until  reforms  have  been  introduced 
in  the  law  courts,  and  until  a  fair  proportion  of  the 
posts  in  the  Civil  Service  are  filled  by  Christians.  More- 
over, in  view  of  the  nature  of  many  of  the  privileges,  it 
would  be  difficult  for  the  matters  with  which  they  deal 
to  be  adjudicated  upon  by  Moslems.    As,  I  shall  discuss 


«        ,        ."O 


JOACHIM   III.,   GKEEK   PATRIARCH   OF   CONSTANTINOPLE. 


To  face  p.  39. 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  Rl^GIME     39 

the  position  of  the  Armenians  elsewhere,  I  will  here 
confine  myself  for  the  most  part  to  the  case  of  the 
Greeks  and  Bulgarians  who  form  the  most  important 
Christian   communities    in    European   Turkey. 

From  the  date  of  the  Turkish  conquest,  the  Greeks 
have  lived  in  Turkey  under  privileges  granted  to  them 
by  the  successors  of  Othman.  These  people  have  been 
permitted  to  deal  with  all  matters  concerning  churches, 
schools,  convents,  and  hospitals,  besides  making  all  legal 
as  well  as  religious  arrangements  appertaining  to  mar- 
riages, divorces,  and  dowries.  The  Patriarch,  assisted 
by  his  various  councils,  has  been  a  religious  and  semi- 
independent  monarch  within  the  Turkish  Empire,  his 
flock  has  formed  a  sort  of  Imperium  in  Imperio. 
His  Holiness,  in  addition  to  being  a  supreme  court  of 
appeal,  has  been  the  channel  by  which  all  matters  of 
importance  concerning  Greeks  have  been  brought  to 
the  notice  of  the  Sublime  Porte.  In  the  provinces,  too, 
the  representatives  of  the  Patriarch  have  held  a  some- 
what special  position  by  virtue  of  their  offices.  Whether 
it  be  the  local  bishop,  vicar,  or  priest,  he  has  been,  and 
is,  an  eX'Officio  member  of  the  governmental  council  of 
the  vilayet,  sanjak,  or  caza  in  which  he  resides.  Although 
the  Servians  in  the  Kingdom  of  Servia  belong  to  a 
practically  independent  branch  of  the  Eastern  or 
Orthodox  Church,  yet  the  Ottoman  Servians,  who  possess 
three  Servian  bishops,  are  considered  Patriarchists  and 
form  therefore  part  of  the  Orthodox  community. 

As  a  result  of  efforts  which  had  been  in  progress  for 
many  years,  it  was  in  1870  that  the  Sultan  by  a  firman 
recognised  the  existence  of  a  semi-independent  Bulgarian 
Church,  whose  head  was  to  be  the  Exarch.  I  cannot 
here  attempt  to  outline  even  the  main  points  of  the 
struggle  which  preceded  the  granting  of  the  firman  of 
1870  or  to  show  how  the  Exarchists  finally  became 
entirely  independent  of  the  Patriarchate.  Sufficient  is 
it  to  say  that  the  privileges  of  the  Exarch  were  gradually 


40  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

increased,  and  that  in  1893  an  Imperial  decision  was 
sent  to  his  Holiness  stating  that  in  dioceses  where  no 
Bulgarian  bishop  existed,  the  Exarchist  schools  were 
to  be  placed  under  the  supervision  of  the  highest  Bul- 
garian ecclesiastical  authority  of  the  district.  In  spite, 
however,  of  the  fact  that  by  the  above-mentioned 
firmans,  besides  other  orders  issued  on  the  subject,  the 
Exarchists  were  practically  placed  in  the  same  position 
as  the  Patriarchists,  the  Turks  have  never  really  recog- 
nised the  right  of  any  Bulgarian  ecclesiastical  authority 
other  than  the  seven  bishops,  whose  appointments  have 
been  sanctioned  by  firman,  to  sit  on  the  local  govern- 
mental councils  of  the  Empire.  At  the  headquarters  of 
a  vilayet  where  there  is  no  Exarchist  bishop  (for 
instance,  at  Salonika)  although  there  is  a  large  Bul- 
garian population,  the  chief  Bulgarian  ecclesiastical 
authority,  who  takes  the  place  of  a  bishop,  is  not  an 
ex-officio  member  of  the  Administrative  Council  of  the 
vali.  In  dioceses  where  there  is  a  Bulgarian  bishop 
(for  instance,  at  Monastir)  this  bishop  sits  as  an  ex- 
officio  member  of  the  vilayet  council,  but  the  local 
vicar  or  priest  who  represents  and  acts  under  the  said 
bishop  is  not  allowed  to  take  his  place  on  the  council 
of  the  smaller  district  in  which  he  resides.  In  addition, 
the  Bulgarian  priests  have  only  been  allowed  as  a  favour 
to  act  as  intermediaries  between  their  flocks  and  the 
Turkish  authorities,  whilst  as  a  fact  this  privilege  has 
always  been  enjoyed  as  a  right  by  the  Greeks. 

Since  the  granting  of  the  Constitution,  the  Young 
Turks  have  desired  and  have  made  definite  attempts  to 
curtail  many  of  the  privileges  of  the  Patriarch  and  of 
the  Exarch,  and  in  addition  a  renewed  tendency  has 
arisen  to  bring  home  the  fact  to  the  Bulgarians  that 
they  never  really  enjoyed  the  same  favourable  position 
as  that  occupied  by  the  Greeks.  While  the  programme 
for  the  instruction  in  Christian  schools  has  always  been 
submitted  to  the  Government,  the  reformers  of  Turkey 


To  face  p.  40. 


v\:.'. 


e    c       ,    "^f     c  < 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  REGIME      41 

have  tried  to  impose  a  programme  of  tuition  drawn  up 
by  them  upon  the  schools  supported  by  the  Christian 
communities.  In  addition,  too,  the  Young  Turks  have 
not  only  endeavoured  to  insist  on  Turkish  being  made  the 
language  of  the  Greek  and  Bulgarian  schools,  but  they 
have  forbidden  the  appointment  of  foreigners  as  teachers 
in  these  educational  establishments.  In  some  cases 
schools  have  been  forcibly  closed  because  the  professors, 
instead  of  supplying  the  governmental  officials  with  in- 
formation which  they  demanded,  referred  the  Turkish 
authorities  to  their  ecclesiastical  chiefs,  who,  as  I  have 
already  said,  in  accordance  with  the  ancient  privileges 
of  the  Church,  possess  supreme  control  of  the  schools 
in  their  districts.  In  other  cases  schools,  some  of  which 
have  been  open  for  many  years,  have  been  closed  for 
trivial  and  insufficient  reasons.  In  addition  to  en- 
deavouring to  interfere  with  the  management  of  the 
Christian  schools,  which  are  supported  entirely  by  the 
Christian  population,  the  Young  Turks  have  endeavoured 
to  prevent  the  Patriarch  and  his  representatives  acting 
as  intermediaries  between  the  members  of  the  Orthodox 
population  and  the  Government,  and  to  hinder  the 
practice  by  which  the  priest  had  always  taken  the  place 
of  a  legal  adviser  to  a  man  accused  of  crime. 

In  spite  of  all  the  improvements  which  have  un- 
doubtedly been  introduced  by  the  Young  Turks,  the 
situation  in  Turkey,  and  especially  in  European  Turkey, 
after  more  than  two  years  of  Constitutional  government 
is  certainly  less  hopeful  than  one  would  have  expected 
from  the  manner  in  which  the  revolution  was  originally 
carried  out.  During  my  stay  in  the  Ottoman  Empire  I 
paid  two  distinct  visits  to  Macedonia.  I  found  the 
condition  of  affairs  much  worse  on  the  second  occasion 
than  on  the  first.  The  promise  of  equality  for  all 
Ottomans,  made  directly  after  the  revolution,  was 
probably  the  most  incautious  pledge  yet  given  by  the 
Young  Turk  reformers.     This  promise  was  believed  and 


42     THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

consequently  well  received  by  the  population  of  the 
country.  The  leaders  of  the  bands  came  in  from  the 
mountains,  and  on  receiving  a  guarantee  of  a  general 
amnesty  decided  to  throw  in  their  lot  with  the  Young 
Turk  reformers.  At  first  a  kind  of  millennium  seemed 
to  have  come.  As  a  result  of  this,  when  I  visited  the 
provinces  which  make  up  what  is  generally  known  as 
Macedonia,  in  the  summer  of  1909,  I  found  the  people 
still  in  a  state  of  expectancy.  Everybody  hoped  that 
some  real  reforms  would  be  introduced,  and  that  the 
Christian  population  would  be  permitted  to  play  its 
part  in  the  government  of  the  country. 

During  the  months  which  followed  the  advent  of 
the  Constitution  it  appeared  to  me,  from  what  I  saw 
whilst  travelling  about  the  country,  that  the  leaders 
of  the  various  races  in  Macedonia  were  honest  in  their 
endeavours  to  support  the  Young  Turks  as  long  as 
there  remained  any  hope  that  these  patriots  were  about 
to  introduce  real  reforms  in  the  country.  In  September, 
1909,  one  of  the  then  leaders  of  the  Bulgarian  Con- 
stitutional Clubs  (a  most  moderate  man)  even  informed 
me  that  the  Macedonian  Question  was  a  thing  of  the 
past,  and  that  if  constitutionalism  were  established  there 
need  be  no  strife  between  the  different  races  making  up 
the  population.  The  same  gentleman,  owing  to  events 
which  had  then  already  taken  place,  was  much  less 
sanguine  as  to  the  future  state  of  the  country  when  I 
saw  him  again  some  months  later,  and  still  more  hope- 
less when  I  heard  from  him  just  before  sending  these 
pages  to  be  printed. 

As  I  have  already  said,  the  condition  of  the  people 
inhabiting  the  European  Provinces  of  the  Ottoman 
Dominions  became  worse  after  the  Constitution  had 
been  in  force  for  about  a  year.  Under  the  Old  Regime, 
owing  to  the  activity  of  the  different  Christian  bands, 
Mussulman  brigandage  was  rendered  practically  im- 
possible.    This  again  became  prevalent  after  the  dis- 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  REGIME     43 

appearance  of  the  bands.  Moreover,  in  consequence  of 
the  more  peaceful  state  of  the  country,  the  great  land- 
owners and  their  agents,  who  are  principally  Moslems, 
are  now  able  to  return  to  their  properties  and  to  enforce 
the  payment  of  their  rents,  which,  from  the  tenants'  point 
of  view,  are  calculated  on  the  most  unsatisfactory  basis. 
In  addition,  the  Agricultural  Clubs,  which  are  organised 
and  supported  by  the  landed  proprietors,  have  renewed 
their  activity,  thereby  rendering  it  extremely  difficult  for 
a  tenant  labourer,  dismissed  by  one  landowner,  to  obtain 
land,  and  consequently  to  earn  his  daily  bread,  from 
another  proprietor.  In  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the 
inhabitants,  and  especially  of  the  Bulgarians,  Moslems 
have  in  almost  every  case  been  re -appointed  as  gardes 
champetreSy  or  village  policemen.  These  men,  who 
are  of  course  responsible  for  the  personal  security  of 
the  people  and  for  safeguarding  the  lands  of  the  villages, 
are  naturally  permitted  to  carry  arms.  Under  the  Old 
Regime  the  manner  in  which  these  guards  carried  out 
their  duties  is  notorious.  The  abuses  which  might 
under  the  circumstances  again  become  rife  are  too 
evident  to  require  any  explanation  here. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  I  believe  the  Turkish 
Chamber  subsequently  relaxed  some  of  the  more  severe 
clauses  of  the  Brigandage  Law,  the  effect  which  this 
law  produced  upon  the  people  of  Macedonia  cannot  be 
ignored  when  considering  the  condition  of  the  European 
Provinces  of  Turkey.  This  so-called  law,  which  was 
actually  enforced  during  many  months,  was  in  reality 
nothing  but  a  project  for  a  law,  as  it  had  not  been 
sanctioned  by  the  Chamber.  Under  this  project  the 
Government,  amongst  other  things,  obtained  the  power 
to  arrest  the  wives  and  families  of  men  who  were  accused 
of  brigandage.  If  these  people  refused  to  state  (per- 
haps really  not  knowing)  the  whereabouts  of  their  men- 
folk, they  were  removed  from  their  homes  and  taken  to 
Salonika  or  elsewhere. 


44  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Even  if  this  law  had  been  sanctioned  by  the  Chamber, 
it  is  obvious  that  the  difficulties  of  applying  it  fairly 
would  have  been  enormous.  The  law  was  not  only  put 
into  force  in  the  vilayet  of  Monastir,  where  undoubtedly 
a  few  political  bands  have  on  several  occasions  been 
active  since  the  establishment  of  the  Constitution,  but 
the  families  of  men  who  were  not  guilty  of  brigandage 
at  all  were  arrested  in  the  vilayet  of  Salonika  and 
removed  from  their  homes.  For  example,  when  I  was 
in  Salonika  I  found  that  some  Bulgarians  who  had  been 
brought  from  the  interior  of  the  country  were  under 
detention,  and  had  only  narrowly  escaped  banishment 
to  Asia  Minor  owing  to  the  energetic  action  of  Talaat 
Bey — Minister  of  the  Interior.  Although  Ibrahim  Bey, 
the  Governor-General  of  the  vilayet  of  Salonika,  assured 
me  fhat  the  houses  and  estates  of  these  people  were 
being  carefully  guarded  during  their  absence,  it  is  hardly 
to  be  supposed  that  on  their  return  these  Bulgarians 
would  find  their  property  in  the  same  condition  as  when 
they  left  it.  In  spite  of  the  fact,  too,  that  it  would  have 
been  possible  to  place  the  vilayets  of  Macedonia  under 
martial  law,  this  was  not  done  until  many  months  after 
the  imposition  of  the  Brigandage  Law.  Instead  of  adopt- 
ing such  a  course,  the  Turks,  by  virtue  of  some  power 
conveyed  or  said  to  be  conveyed  by  the  Brigandage 
Law,  established  courts -martial  for  the  trial  of  prisoners. 
These  courts,  which  were  usually  composed  of  three 
military  and  two  civil  members,  and  which  tried  prisoners 
for  offences  not  punishable  by  civil  law,  held  their 
sittings  in  private.  Moreover,  counsel  for  the  defence, 
when  allowed  to  appear  at  all,  were  not  permitted  to 
have  adequate  access  to  the  evidence  utilised  against 
the  prisoner. 

The  Bulgarians,  partly  owing  to  the  strong  foreign 
support  which  they  might  obtain  in  case  of  need,  form 
the  element  of  Macedonian  population  of  which  the 
Young  Turks  are  the  most  afraid.     These  Bulgarians 


SAXDAXSKY,   THE   GREAT   BULGAKIAX    BRIGAXD, 


To  face  p.  45. 


SOME   ASPECTS   OF  THE   NEW  REGIME      45 

are   divided  int(5  two  more  or  less  separate  parties — 
men  who  used  to  belong  to  the  Constitutional  Clubs, 
and  who  are  known  as  the  Constitutional  Club  party, 
and  Bulgarians  who  are  led  by  Sandansky.     During  the 
first  months  of  the   New  Regime  the  policy  of  these 
two  parties  was  slightly  different.     The  Constitutional 
Club  party,  which  is  the  stronger,  was  always  accused 
by   the   Young   Turks   of   endeavouring   to   further   the 
cause  of  Bulgaria  in  Macedonia.      I   believe  that  this 
accusation  was  for  the  most  part  unjustifiable,   and  I 
think    until    the    closing    of    the    Constitutional  Clubs 
towards  the  end  of    1909  that  these  Bulgarians  were 
really  anxious  for  the  development  of  a  strong  Ottoman 
Empire  ruled  by  a  constitutional  Government.     Sandan- 
sky, on  his  part,  largely  for  personal  reasons,  always 
proclaimed   that   Macedonia   for  the   Macedonians   was 
the  chief  plank  of  his  programme.     The  Young  Turks 
naturally  lost  the  sympathy  of  many  of  the  Constitu- 
tional Club  party,  by  accepting  the  support  of  Sandansky 
(the  well-known  brigand,  who  dare  not  enter  his  own 
country)  and  of  his  followers.  Moreover,  the  sympathies 
of  the  Constitutional  Club  Bulgarians  were  still  further 
alienated  by  the  enforcement  of  a  law  forbidding  the 
formation   of  clubs  upon  a  national  basis.     Whatever 
may  have  been  the  real  policy  of  the  leaders  of  these 
clubs,    it    is    obvious    that    a    society — the    members    of 
which  were  largely  recruited  from  men  who  formed  the 
Bulgarian   bands   under   the   Old   Regime — holding   its 
meetings  in  recognised  places,  under  the  leadership  of 
well-known   men,   is   far   less    dangerous   to   a   country 
than  a  secret  organisation,  the  promoters  and  members 
of    which    are    unknown    to    the    Government.       The 
Bulgarian  Constitutional  Clubs  may  be  closed,  but  the 
internal  organisation  is  still  in  existence.      How  soon 
this  organisation  will  again  become  active  depends  en- 
tirely upon  the  manner  in  which  the  Young  Turks  carry 
on    the    government   of   Macedonia.      At    the    time    of 


46  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

writing,  outrages  have  already  been  committed,  trains 
have  been  wrecked,  and  it  is  reported  that  bands  have 
taken  to  the  hills. 

The  Greeks  have  probably  benefited  less  from  the 
establishment  of  the  Constitution  than  have  the  members 
of  any  other  race.  I  have  already  explained  some  of 
the  questions  which  have  arisen  between  the  Young 
Turkey  Government  and  the  Patriarchate.  Moreover, 
during  the  final  years  of  absolutism  the  Ottoman  Greeks 
were  often  supported  by  Abdul  Hamid  against  the  other 
races  which  so  largely  make  up  the  population  of 
European  Turkey.  In  addition,  when  corruption  was 
countenanced  by  everybody,  the  Greeks,  who  are 
generally  richer  than  their  fellow-countrymen,  were  able 
to  secure  greater  benefits  from  the  emissaries  of  the 
Yildiz  Government  than  were  other  Ottomans.  In  some 
respects,  therefore,  owing  to  a  kind  of  uncertainty  which 
now  exists,  trading,  in  which  so  many  Greeks  are 
engaged,  has  become  more  difficult  than  it  was  under 
the  Old  Regime. 

The  position  of  the  Greeks  in  Turkey  has  also  been 
greatly  affected  by  the  Cretan  Question.  In  spite  of 
the  correct  attitude  which  these  people — both  Hellenes 
and  Ottomans — have  maintained  throughout  the  last 
stages  of  the  Cretan  Question,  a  kind  of  me  fiance 
towards  the  Greeks  has  arisen  amongst  the  Turks. 
The  Ottoman  authorities  have  certainly  not  only  en- 
couraged this  distrust,  but  as  each  new  crisis  has  arisen 
concerning  the  future  status  of  Crete,  the  Turks  have 
vented  their  ill-feeling  upon  their  Greek  fellow-country- 
men. At  several  distinct  periods  since  the  establishment 
of  the  Constitution  a  systematic  boycott  of  Greek  ships 
and  Greek  goods  has  been  arranged  by  the  Turks. 
Although  this  boycott,  which  is  not  only  detrimental 
to  Greeks,  but  to  Ottomans  in  general,  is  supposed  to 
be  the  outcome  of  the  feelings  of  the  everyday  Turk 
towards   the   Greek,   yet   there   is   no   doubt   that   it   is 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  REGIME      47 

supported  by  the  Government  and  by  the  Committee. 
The  fact  that  the  boycott  could  at  any  time  easily  be 
stopped  by  the  Government  is  clearly  proved  by  the 
action  which  it  took  in  reference  to  the  removal  of  some 
pontoons  from  the  Stamboul  Quays  at  Constantinople 
during  the  early  days  of  August,  1910.  The  Govern- 
ment, in  order  to  favour  the  hamals  who  are  wont  to 
lead  the  boycott,  authorised  them  to  remove  certain 
pontoons  on  which  British  as  well  as  other  ships  had 
a  right  to  discharge  their  cargoes.  The  ships  were 
consequently  bound  to  unload  into  lighters  which 
belonged  to  the  hamals.  As  this  system  of  unloading 
was  at  the  charge  of  the  ship  or  cargo,  the  British 
Ambassador  at  Constantinople  informed  the  Government 
that  when  this  occurred  he  would  expect  an  indemnity 
of  £70  per  day.  As  this  matter  was  at  once  stopped, 
and  as  massacres  under  the  Old  Regime  were  always 
begun  and  ended  by  order,  so  could  the  Greek  boycott 
be  terminated  were  the  Young  Turks  honest  in  their 
endeavours    to    bring   about    such   an    end. 

During  my  travels  in  the  interior,  too,  I  have  found 
that  the  Greeks  were  being  subjected  to  various  petty 
injustices  and  annoyances.  Cases  were  brought  to  my 
notice  where  owners  of  hotels  and  shops  were  com- 
pelled by  the  Government  to  repaint  their  houses 
because  their  names  or  trades  were  printed  in  blue 
and  white  letters — the  national  colours  of  Greece — and 
where  tradesmen  were  compelled  to  recolour  such 
articles  as  water-barrels,  because  they,  also,  had  been 
decorated  in  white  and  blue.  My  readers  may  contend 
that  such  trivial  things  are  not  worthy  of  notice,  but 
it  is  these  things  and  thousands  of  a  like  nature,  when 
taken  in  conjunction  with  many  more  serious  matters, 
some  of  which  I  have  already  discussed,  that  enable 
the  Ottoman  Greek  to  say  that  his  lot  under  the  New 
Regime  is  no  better  than  it  was  in  the  days  of 
absolutism.  ,     i  1, 


48  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

The  unrest  caused  in  Macedonia  largely  as  a  result 
of  the  Brigandage  Law  has  been  greatly  increased 
by  the  manner  in  which  people  have  been  forced  to 
surrender  their  arms.  The  confiscation  of  arms  has 
been  accompanied,  not  only  by  the  beating  of  ignorant 
peasants  but  by  the  chastisement  of  well-to-do 
merchants.  Men  were  beaten  on  the  feet  as  well  as 
on  other  parts  of  their  bodies.  The  greater  propor- 
tion of  the  Christians  only  want  to  retain  their  rifles 
and  revolvers  for  self-preservation,  and  were  they  once 
confident  of  the  good  intentions  of  the  Turkish  Govern- 
ment they  would  give  up  their  arms  willingly.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  the  question  of  disarmament  is  in 
itself  excellent  ;  but  if  disarmament  has  once  been 
decided  upon,  it  should  be  disarmament  for  the  whole 
population,  and  not  for  Christians  alone.  Not  only, 
however,  have  Moslems  been  allowed  to  retain  their 
rifles,  but  in  some  cases  it  is  said  that  those  actually 
taken  from  Christian  peasants  have  been  issued  to 
Mohammedan  mouhaggirs  (emigrants).  In  addition  to 
stirring  up  the  Christians  of  Macedonia  itself,  the  effect 
of  this  disarmament  has  been  to  create  a  great  feeling 
of  hostility  towards  the  Young  Turks  amongst  the 
people  of  the  neighbouring  countries.  This  is  specially 
important  in  the  case  of  Bulgaria,  which,  as  a  result 
of  the  arbitrary  and  cruel  acts  which  accompanied  the 
disarmament  of  Christians  in  Macedonia,  became  in- 
fested by  thousands  of  Macedonian  refugees,  who  were 
not  only  a  burden  to  the  State  but  also  an  element  of 
disturbance  amongst  the  population. 

In  order  to  explain  what  has  taken  place  the  more 
clearly  I  will  give  one  or  two  examples  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  disarmament  has  been  carried  out.  At 
Karaferia,  on  the  railway  between  Salonika  and 
Monastir,  two  former  leaders  of  bands  were  each 
ordered  to  surrender  three  rifles  to  the  authorities. 
These    men,     who     did    not,     in    fact,     each    possess 


SOME   ASPECTS   OF  THE  NEW  Rl^GIMB     49 

more  than  one  rifle,  having  been  ordered  to  find 
six  weapons,  took  refuge  in  the  mountains  rather 
than  face  the  punishment  which  they  knew  would 
be  inflicted  upon  them  if  they  could  not  produce 
the  six  rifles  which  they  did  not  really  possess. 
Again,  in  the  caza  of  Gevgeli,  between  Salonika  and 
Uskub,  the  disarmament  was  accompanied  by  the  ill- 
treatment  of  Christian  peasants.  As  a  result  of  a  com- 
plaint made  by  the  Vicar  of  Gevgeli,  the  local  Turkish 
authority  said  that  he  was  unaware  of  these  acts  of 
barbarity.  In  the  Yenidge  Vardar  district  Bulgarians 
were  arrested  as  a  consequence  of  an  investigation 
carried  out  by  the  Kamaikam  (Turkish  Governor)  on 
a  charge  of  supplying  money  to  insurrectionary  bands. 
The  sole  proof  urged  against  these  people  seems  to 
have  been  some  almost  unreadable  figures  inscribed 
on  scraps  of  paper  said  to  have  been  found  by  the 
authorities . 

As  far  as  the  condition  of  this  part  of  the  country 
is  concerned,  one  of  the  most  important  laws  yet 
passed  by  the  Turkish  Chamber  is  that  regulating  the 
allotment  of  the  disputed  churches  and  schools  in 
Macedonia.  Prior  to  the  constitution  of  the  Exarchate 
by  Imperial  firman  in  1870,  all  the  Christian  churches 
and  schools  in  Macedonia  had  been  built  in  the  name 
of  the  Patriarch,  and  as  a  result  of  firmans  granted 
to  the  Orthodox  Church.  These  firmans  are  still  held 
by  the  Greek  Patriarch.  Although,  therefore,  these 
buildings  were  constructed  by  and  for  the  use  of  the 
population,  they  were  all  oflicially  Greek  until  the 
establishment  of  the  Exarchate,  which  became  inde- 
pendent of  the  Greek  Church  in  1872.  In  accordance 
with  the  Imperial  firman  constituting  the  Exarchate, 
a  large  number  of  churches  and  schools  then  exist- 
ing were  taken  over  by  the  new  Bulgarian  Church. 
Partly  because  the  Greek  Patriarch  excommunicated 
the   first   Exarch   and  all   his    flock   in    1872,    a    large 

4 


so  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

number  of  Christians  in  Macedonia  who  were  Bulgarian 
by  race  did  not  join  the  Exarchist  community.  This, 
coupled  with  the  fact  that  on  various  occasions  the 
populations  of  whole  villages  have  changed  their  religion 
or  more  correctly  have  desired  in  future  to  owe  their 
spiritual  allegiance  to  the  Exarchate  instead  of  the 
Patriarchate,  caused  the  possession  of  the  churches  and 
schools  in  many  villages  to  be  in  dispute  between  the 
Greek  and  the  Bulgarian  ecclesiastical  authorities.  As  a 
result  of  these  struggles  between  the  two  Churches,  whose 
doctrines  and  beliefs  are  identical,  many  churches  and 
schools  were  closed  by  the  Government  during  the 
days  of  the  Old  Regime.  It  is  largely  in  order  to 
decide  the  future  ownership  of  these  buildings,  and 
of  some  other  churches  and  schools,  that  the  new  law 
has  been  framed. 

According  to  the  most  important  provisions  of  the 
new  statute,  the  churches  and  schools  in  a  village 
possessing  an  entirely  Patriarchist  or  an  entirely 
Exarchist  population  are  to  be  allotted  to  the  community 
of  which  the  population  is  composed.  Where  the 
population  is  mixed,  and  therefore  where  there  are 
or  may  be  two  claimants  to  the  ecclesiastical  buildings, 
the  present  existing  church  and  school  are  to  be 
allotted  to  the  community  in  whose  name  they  were 
originally  built,  unless  the  population  belonging  to  that 
community  is  less  than  one -third  of  the  total  population 
of  the  place,  in  which  case  the  existing  buildings  are 
to  be  given  to  the  majority.  At  the  same  time,  the 
Government  at  its  own  expense  has  undertaken  to  build 
churches  and  schools  for  the  members  of  the  popula- 
tion to  whom  the  old  buildings  are  not  allotted  under 
the  law.  When  there  is  more  than  one  church  in  any 
place,  the  community  in  whose  name  the  churches  and 
schools  were  built  is  to  be  allowed  to  retain  the  build- 
ings which  it  prefers,  unless  it  numbers  less  than  one- 
third  of  the  total  population  of  the  place,  in  which  case 


SOME   ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  REGIME      51 

the  people  who  did  not  originally  own  the  churches  are 
to  have  their  choice. 

Whether  the  effect  of  this  law  will  be  good  or  bad 
largely  depends  upon  the  manner  in  which  it  is  put 
into  execution.  In  the  past,  the  people  of  Turkey, 
and  especially  of  Macedonia,  have  been  classed  for 
the  most  part  by  religions  rather  than  by  races,  and 
therefore  it  is  obvious,  if  the  Ottoman  Government 
is  actuated  by  the  best  possible  intentions,  that  many 
disputes  are  sure  to  arise,  as  they  have  arisen  in  the 
past,  concerning  who  are  Bulgarians  and  who  are 
Greeks.  The  fact,  therefore,  remains  to  be  proved 
whether  these  questions  will  be  fairly  settled  or  whether 
Greeks  and  Bulgarians  will  be  indiscriminately 
numbered  as  Patriarchists  or  Exarchists  according  to 
whether  at  any  particular  moment  the  Turks  wish  to 
favour  the  propaganda  of  Greece  or  of  Bulgaria.  In 
addition,  time  alone  will  demonstrate  whether,  in  the 
present  state  of  the  Turkish  finances,  the  Ottoman 
Government  will  either  be  in  a  position  to,  or  even 
desirous  of  providing  those  divested  of  their  place 
of  worship  with  buildings  for  devotional  and  educa- 
tional purposes  which  will  prove  any  adequate  recom- 
pense for  those  which  they  will  lose  according  to  the 
new  law. 

I  cannot  attempt  here  either  to  discuss  the  political 
aspects  of  the  church  and  school  questions  in  Macedonia 
or  to  examine  the  fairness  or  unfairness  of  the  new 
law.  My  readers  will  probably  agree  that  buildings 
devoted  to  religious  services  or  instruction  ought  not 
to  be  utilised  to  further  a  political  propaganda,  but  they 
will  disagree  as  to  what  does,  or  should,  constitute  a 
proper  claim  to  the  ownership  of  a  religious  or  endowed 
building.  The  Greeks  contend,  by  virtue  of  the  firmans 
granted  to,  and  still  possessed  by,  the  Patriarch,  that 
they  have  a  right  to  all  schools  in  places  where  there 
are  still  any  Patriarchists  and  which  were  constructed 


62  THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

before  the  creation  of  the  Exarchate.  The  Bulgarians, 
on  their  part,  hold  that  the  Church  and  the  clergy 
are  only  the  tenants  and  not  the  possessors  of  religious 
buildings,  which  they  contend  belong  to  the  people  for 
whom  and  by  whom  the  churches  and  schools  were 
actually  constructed,  before  the  split  occurred  between 
the  Greek  and  the  Bulgarian  Churches. 

It  is  probable  that  I  have  already  said  enough  to 
prove  to  my  readers  that  at  least  the  non-Turkish 
elements  of  the  population  have  some  reason  for  dis- 
content, owing  to  many  of  the  actions  of  the  Government 
which  came  into  power  as  a  result  of  the  establishment 
of  the  Constitution.  In  the  course  of  the  following 
pages  I  shall  describe  other  events  which  will  demon- 
strate the  attitude  of  the  Turkish  Government  towards 
some  of  the  subject  races  over  whom  it  rules.  That 
little  has  been  heard  of  this  discontent  may  at  least 
be  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  martial  law  has  gradually 
been  proclaimed  in  so  many  districts  of  the  Empire. 
The  Christians,  who  are  the  most  vehement  in  their 
complaints,  might  be  to  a  great  extent  appeased  were 
they  admitted  to  a  reasonable  proportion  of  posts  in 
the  Government,  and  were  they  given  a  large  voice  at 
least  in  their  own  municipal  affairs.  On  more  than  one 
occasion  I  have  discussed  this  question  with  high  officials 
of  state.  My  questions,  directed  to  discover  why  hardly 
any  Christians  are  employed  in  the  governmental 
offices  and  in  the  local  administration,  were  invariably 
answered  by  statements  framed  with  the  object  of 
making  me  believe  that  these  gentlemen  do  not  know 
the  Turkish  language  sufficiently  well  to  enable  them 
to  carry  out  the  duties  of  civil  servants.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  nearly  all  educated  Christian  Ottomans, 
domiciled  in  Turkey,  know  the  Turkish  language  as 
well  as  the  Turks  themselves,  and  therefore  it  is  obvious 
that  the  reason  given  why  but  few  Christians  have  been 
appointed  to  fill  Government  posts  is  hardly  satisfactory. 


SOME  ~  ASPECTS   OF  THE  NEW  Rl^GIME     53 

The  remedy  for  many  of  the  abuses  which  im- 
doubtedly  still  exist  in  Turkey  and  the  means  by  which 
a  large  number  of  difficulties  can  be  overcome  by  the 
Ottoman  Government  is  to  introduce  some  form  of 
decentralisation  in  the  administration  of  the  country. 
Decentralisation,  if  accompanied  by  reforms  in  the  local 
administration,  would  not  only  guarantee  the  peasant 
or  citizen — be  he  Moslem  or  Christian — a  voice  in  the 
manner  in  which  at  least  part  of  the  taxes  to  which 
he  is  liable  are  expended,  but  it  would  provide  positions 
to  which  men  who  had  gained  the  respect  of  their 
fellow-countrymen  could  aspire.  During  the  days  of 
the  Old  Regime,  and  especially  as  communication  by 
telegraph  grew  easier,  centralisation  had  become  more 
and  more  complete .  Scarcely  the  smallest  change  could 
be  effected  in  the  most  remote  part  of  the  Empire 
without  an  Imperial  irad6  from  Yildiz.  Although  Abdul 
Hamid  is  a  captive,  and  the  Government  of  Yildiz  has 
disappeared,  yet  centralisation  in  almost  every  case 
remains.  I  have  visited  even  the  offices  of  Cabinet 
Ministers  at  Constantinople,  and  found  them  crammed 
with  foreign  consuls,  men,  women,  children,  journalists 
who  were  for  the  most  part  waiting  for  interviews  with 
the  chiefs  of  departments  who  were  already  so  over- 
worked that  they  were  totally  unable  to  accomplish  one- 
half  the  business  which  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
for  them  to  perform  in  person. 

By  proposing  decentralisation  I  do  not  mean  to 
suggest  the  introduction  of  any  scheme  which  would 
be  destined  to  carry  with  it  the  separation  of  one 
part  of  the  Empire  from  another.  The  Young  Turks 
are  certainly  right  to  maintain  their  objections  to  any 
such  .scheme.  There  must  be  unity  of  government 
but  diversity  of  administration.  To  draft  laws  and  to 
introduce  conditions  which  will  place  the  Arab,  Kurd, 
Armenian,  Greek,  Slav,  or  Albanian  under  the  same 
conditions  of  life  is  a  task  which  can  hardly  be  accom- 


54  THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

plished  by  any  Turkish  statesman.  When  once  a  vali 
has  been  appointed  to  govern  a  province  he  should  be 
given  fuller  powers  to  carry  out  his  duties  as  the  local 
representative  of  the  Central  Government.  If  the 
administration  of  a  district  is  not  satisfactory,  its 
governor  must  be  held  responsible  and  if  necessary 
he  must  be  recalled.  At  present  the  only  province 
in  which  any  scheme  of  decentralisation  has  been  tried 
is  Bagdad,  where  Nazim  Pasha  has  been  nominated  as 
Governor -General  and  Commander-in-Chief,  with 
powers  which  greatly  exceed  those  usually  conferred 
upon  a  governor  of  a  Turkish  province. 

Decentralisation,  if  it  is  to  be  effective  and  successful, 
must  be  accompanied  by  reforms  in  the  local  adminis- 
tration of  the  provinces.  These  reforms  and  changes 
could  at  first  not  be  introduced  in  any  smaller  sub- 
divisions of  the  country  than  the  vilayet.  The  extra 
power  conferred  upon  the  vali  should,  of  course,  be 
subject  to  the  veto  of  his  local  councils.  At  present 
the  vali  of  an  ordinary  province  is  supposed  to  be 
assisted  by  two  councils — the  Administrative  Council 
and  the  Council  General  of  the  vilayet.  The  Adminis- 
trative Council  is  made  up  of  a  certain  number  of 
officials  and  dignitaries,  who  sit  by  virtue  of  their 
offices,  and  of  a  few  notables  of  the  province  who  are 
nominated  by  the  Governor-General.  The  ex-officio 
members  of  this  council  include  the  vali,  who  is  its 
president,  the  local  finance  minister,  the  chief  judge, 
the  secretary-general  of  the  province,  and  in  some 
places  one,  or  at  most  two,  dignitaries  of  the  Christian 
Churches.  The  Council  General  of  the  vilayet,  which 
is  composed  of  a  certain  number  of  members  elected 
by  the  population  of  each  sanjak,  only  sits  for  a  small 
part  of  the  year.  If,  therefore,  the  Administrative 
Council,  which  in  the  past  has  always  been  the  only 
body  of  the  smallest  importance,  is  to  assist  the  vali 
in  his  work,  and  is  also  to  be  the  means  by  which  the 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  NEW  REGIME      55 

will  of  the  people  is  to  be  demonstrated  in  the  conduct 
of  local  affairs,  it  is  clear  that  this  body,  even  if  com- 
posed of  some  eX'Officio  members,  must  also  possess 
a  certain  proportion  of  men  elected  by  the  people. 

The  difficulty  of  finding  a  solution  of  the  Macedonian 
Question  has  perplexed  many  a  European  statesman. 
It  is  certain  that  the  Young  Turks  are  wrong  in 
supposing  that-  the  importation  of  Moslem  emigrants 
from  Bosnia,  Bulgaria,  or  Russia  will  improve  the  situa- 
tion. It  is  evident,  without  even  resorting  to  history, 
which  explains  what  has  happened  in  the  past,  and 
without  considering  the  obstacles  to  be  encountered 
by  the  Turkish  Government  from  a  financial  point  of 
view,  that  the  difficulties  of  first  obtaining  desirable  emi- 
grants, who  are  willing  to  leave  their  own  homes,  and 
then  of  settling  them  upon  suitable  lands,  are  practically 
insurmountable.  The  establishment  of  good  govern- 
ment alone  can  ensure  the  development  of  a  strong 
Turkey  and  prevent  the  Macedonian  Question  from  again 
becoming  as  acute  as  it  was  during  the  closing  years 
of  the  reign  of  Abdul  Hamid.  To  endeavour  to  out- 
number the  Christian  population  of  any  particular 
province  by  importing  moahaggirs  is  not  only  wrong 
from  a  humanitarian  point  of  view,  but  it  will  not 
accomplish  the  object  for  which  it  is  intended  by  the 
Young  Turks. 


II 

THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY 

General  importance  of  the  Army  in  Turkey — Army  system — Infantry — 
Cavalry — Artillery — Engineers    and    Details — Medical    Services — 

^  Officers — Training — Discipline  of  the  Army — Enlistment  of  non- 
Moslems — Delay  in  mobilisation  caused  by  present  Army  system — 
Peace  and  war  strengths — The  Turkish  Navy. 

Since  the  day  when  Ertoghrul  first  advanced  westwards 
through  Armenia,  and  since  SuHeman  Pasha  estabhshed 
the  Crescent  in  Europe,  the  Osmanlis  have  not  only  been 
compelled  to  secure  and  retain  control  of  both  their 
Asiatic  and  European  dominions  by  constant  strife,  but 
they  have  been  little  more  than  an  army  of  occupation  in 
the  Empire  over  which  they  have  ruled.  As  each  new 
province  has  been  conquered  by  or  wrested  from  them, 
the  Turks  have  either  settled  down  among  the  existing 
population,  or  they  have  vacated  the  country  no  longer 
ruled  by  their  Moslem  master.  A  belief  in  **  fate  '*  and 
a  sort  of  indescribable,  secret,  unknown  discipline  rule 
the  whole  race,  and,  by  their  rule,  make  it  possible  for 
the  Turks  to  accept  fortune  or  misfortune  as  if  it  were 
all  in  the  ordinary  course  of  life's  short  day.  Every 
Osmanli  forms  a  member  of  that  great  racial  fighting 
machine,  the  core  of  which  is  the  actual  Turkish  Army, 
which  is,  and  always  has  been,  the  backbone  of  the 
power  of  the  Empire. 

Whatever  beneficial  changes  have  or  have  not  been 
introduced  in  Turkey  since  1908,  it  is  certain  that  the 
Young  Turks  have  not  only  devoted  both  energy  and 


THE   TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY  57 

money  to  the  improvement  of  their  Army,  but  that 
drastic  reforms  have,  in  fact,  been  introduced  in  the 
military  forces  of  the  country.  It  is  not  unnatural, 
too,  that  the  Army  should  have  been  the  first  public  ser- 
vice to  receive  the  attention  of  those  who  have  liberated 
their  country  from  the  absolute  form  of  government 
under  which  it  had  existed  for  years.  During  the  days 
of  the  Old  Regime  the  training  of  the  Army  was  com- 
pletely neglected.  Even  if  they  were  paid  at  all,  the 
salaries  of  both  officers  and  men  were  always  months 
in  arrear.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  members 
of  an  Army  who  nearly  always  resent  the  neglectful 
treatment  of  politicians  were  not  averse  to  accepting 
the  ideas  of  any  reformers,  whatever  was  their  special 
programme. 

Although  the  practical  and  moral  strength  which  the 
support  of  the  Army  gives  to  the  politicians  of  any 
country  must  always  be  of  enormous  importance,  yet 
this  power,  however  great  it  may  be  in  more  civilised 
countries,  cannot  be  compared  to  the  omnipotence 
which  is  vouchsafed  to  the  party  maintained  by  the 
Army  in  a  country  like  Turkey.  The  reformers  had, 
as  we  know,  been  planning  the  revolution  for  years 
prior  to  1908,  but  it  was  only  when  at  least  an  important 
part  of  the  Army  threw  in  its  lot  with  liberalism  that 
the  New  Regime  became  a  reality. 

The  Army  which  enabled  the  Young  Turks  to  triumph 
in  July,  1908,  and  which  empowered  the  Committee  of 
Union  and  Progress  party  to  recapture  Constantinople 
in  April,  1909,  is  still  the  controlling  factor  which 
regulates  both  the  internal  and  foreign  policy  of  the 
Turkish  Government.  Whether  the  influence  of  the 
military  party  continues  as  a  sort  of  secondary  influence 
behind  the  throne,  or  whether  the  country  is  administered 
by  what  amounts  to  a  military  government,  in  either 
case  there  is  no  doubt  as  long  as  the  political  views 
of  the  Turkish  officers  receive  consideration  from  the 


58  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Government,  and  as  long  as  the  men  are  well  clothed, 
receive  good  food  and  regular  pay,  that  the  Army  will 
support  a  Young  Turk  Government.  Although,  there- 
fore, it  is  safe  to  assume  that  the  awful  tyranny  which 
existed  during  the  reign  of  the  ex-Sultan  Abdul  Hamid 
can  never  again  become  a  reality,  yet  should  the  Army 
transfer  its  allegiance  either  from  the  present  to  another 
form  of  liberal  Government,  or  should  it  decide  in 
favour  of  more  or  less  despotic  rule  (headed  by  a 
royal  personage  or  a  military  dictator),  then,  unless  any 
external  influence  should  change  the  trend  of  events, 
it  is  practically  certain  that  this  militarily-supported 
Government   will   become  predominant  in  Turkey. 

It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  the  population  of  the  Otto- 
man Empire  with  any  degree  of  certainty.  Still  more 
perplexing  is  it  to  discover  what  proportion  of  the  total 
population  is  made  up  of  those  professing  Christianity. 
It  is  estimated,  however,  that  out  of  a  total  population 
of  some  25,000,000  (excluding  Egypt),  between 
6,500,000  and  7,000,000  people  belong  to  the 
Christian  races  inhabiting  Turkey.  Prior  to  the  advent 
of  the  Constitution,  Christians  were  entirely  exempt 
from  the  burden  of  military  service  and  were,  instead, 
subjected  to  an  annual  tax  of  two  megidiehs  (about 
6s.  8d.).  In  addition,  although  military  service  was 
nominally  compulsory  for  all  **  True  Believers,"  yet 
in  the  past  the  Moslems  of  Constantinople,  besides  the 
inhabitants  of  nearly  the  whole  vilayet  of  Scutari  in 
Albania  and  of  Arabia,  in  addition  to  the  Kurdish  and 
Arab  tribes  of  Asia  Minor  (only  subject  to  service  in  the 
Hamidieh  Cavalry),  and  the  men  of  the  vilayet  of 
Tripoli  were  exempted  from  military  duties.  Moslems 
were  and  probably  still  will  be  able  to  purchase  the 
privilege  of  passing  straight  into  the  reserve  for  £T50 
and  to  avoid  service  even  on  mobilisation  on  a  further 
payment  of  £T5o. 

The  present  army  system  was  introduced  into  Turkey 


.!^=', 


THE    GATEWAY   OF   THE    SEKASKEKAT    (WAK   OFFICE)   AT   CONSTAXTIXOPLE. 


1 1 1 1 1  ij  y  G  H  u  Ik  I  b  'b  ii  k  Q  Q  &  li  I  s  I  a«  t  a  I  y  k  u  a  I M 1 1 


1' 


^  f  *  r  s  1 « t  I  ■'1  ^fl  »  I  f  P  rt  9 1 1 1 1 1  i  *  I  I  I 


fIL 


y^M^ 


THE    SEKASKEKAT   AT    CONSTANTINOPLE. 


To  face  p.  58.     _ 


o"   ,     •  • 


c     «       •    < 

t       €         t        f 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY     59 

by  General  Von  du  Goltz  in  1886.  Liability  to  service 
begins  at  the  age  of  twenty  and  lasts  twenty-five  years. 
Between  160,000  and  170,000  Moslems  reach  the 
military  age  every  year.  From  this  number  about 
70,000  are  taken  for  actual  colour  service,  whilst  about 
30,000  pass  straight  into  the  second-class  Redif  after 
a  few  months'  preliminary  training.  The  remainder  are 
either  medically  unfit  or  are  exempt  for  various  other 
reasons.  The  military  life  of  a  Turkish  soldier  is 
divided  as  follows  : — 

I.  For  the  infantry  a  continuous  period  of  three 
years'  service  with  the  colours,  and  for  the  caivalry  and 
artillery  four  years  passed  under  the  same  conditions. 
Under  the  Old  Regime  this  period  of  colour  service 
was  often  extended,  and  men  were  therefore  retained 
with  their  regiments  when  their  proper  period  of  service 
had,  in  fact,  expired.  This  manner  of  treating  the 
conscripts  caused  considerable  discontent,  and  was  prob- 
ably one  of  the  factors  which  caused  the  Army  to 
throw  in  its  lot  with  the  liberals  of  the  Empire.  As 
a  result,  after  the  advent  of  the  Constitution,  all  the 
**  time-expired  "  men  were  allowed  to  return  to  their 
homes,  leaving  the  active  Army,  therefore,  largely  com- 
posed  of  young   soldiers. 

It  may  be,  too,  a  matter  of  considerable  political 
import  that  all  the  men  who  were  recruited  under  the 
Old  Regime,  and  who,  therefore,  understand  that  the 
present  conditions  of  military  service  are  considerably 
better  than  those  which  existed  in  the  past,  either  have 
already  completed  their  period  of  active  military  life, 
or  will  complete  it  in  191 1,  according  to  the  branches 
of  the  Army  to  which  they  belong.  Although  it  is 
probable  that  the  Army  of  the  future  will  not  be  dis- 
loyal to  liberalism,  yet  it  is  conceivable  that  young 
men,  perhaps  recruited  from  a  village  which  has  gained 
but  little  from'  the  Constitution,  and  who  have  not 
had   personal  experience  of  the  former  conditions   of 


60  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

military  service,  will  be  less  loyal  to  the  reformers  of 
the  Empire  than  men  whose  every  wish  and  desire 
receives  the  immediate  attention  of  the  Government,  and 
who  thoroughly  realise  the  advantages  they  have  gained 
from  the  events  which  occurred  in    1908. 

2.  For  the  infantry  six  years,  and  for  the  cavalry 
and  artillery  five  years  in  the  reserve  of  the  active  Army. 
This  reserve  has  in  the  past  been  nominally  subjected 
to  six  weeks'  training,  a  training  which  was  but  seldom 
actually  carried  out.  In  lieu  of  these  drills,  however, 
it  is  and  was  only  too  common  for  a  large  number  of 
men  serving  in  the  reserve  of  the  active  Army  to  be 
called  upon  to  join  their  battalions  in  order  to  assist 
in  quelling  a  rebellion  in  the  Yemen  or  elsewhere. 

3.  Nine  years  in  the  Redif  or  reserve  Army.  The 
Redifs,  which  are  divided  into  two  classes,  known  as 
the  first  and  second  class,  and  which  for  the  most  part 
only  consist  of  cadres,  have  always  nominally  been 
subjected  to  one  month's  training  every  other  year. 
Whether  this  regulation  will  be  strictly  enforced  under 
the  New  Regime  remains  to  be  proved. 

4.  Seven  years  in  the  Mustafiz  or  territorial  Army. 
This  force  has  no  organisation  and  forms  a  reserve 
for  the  Redif. 

The  Turkish  E!mipire  is  divided  into  seven  Army 
Corps    districts  u 

ist  Army  Corps,  headquarters  Constantinople.  This 
district  includes  in  its  recruiting  area,  besides  the 
environs  of  the  capital,  the  sanjak  of  Ismid,  the  greater 
part  of  the  vilayet  of  Brousa,  besides  the  whole  of  the 
vilayets  of  Angora  and  Kastamouni. 

2nd  Army  Corps,  headquarters  Adrianople.  This 
district  comprises  the  whole  of  the  vilayets  of 
Adrianople  and  Konia,  besides  certain  other  sanjaks 
which  extend  its  recruiting  area  from  north  to  south 
of  Asia  Minor. 

3rd  Army  Corps,  headquarters  Salonika.     This  dis- 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY  61 

trict  embraces,  not  only  the  remaining  vilayets  of 
European  Turkey,  but  also  that  of  Smyrna,  besides 
many  of  the  islands  which  make  up  the  Archipelago 
vilayet  of  the  Empire. 

4th  Army  Corps,  headquarters  Erzingan.  This 
district  includes  the  whole  of  Eastern  Asia  Minor,  and, 
owing  to  its  proximity  to  the  Russian  and  Persian 
frontier,  is  one  of  extreme  importance  to  the  Turkish 
Empire.  That  the  importance  of  this  Army  Corps  is 
realised  by  the  Turks  will  be  shown  by  the  troops 
which  are  allotted  to  it. 

5th  Army  Corps,  headquarters  Damascus.  This 
district  is  made  up  of  Syria  and  Palestine. 

6th  Army  Corps,  headquarters  Bagdad.  This  district 
includes  Mesopotamia  and  extends  down  the  banks  of 
the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  as  far  as  the  Persian  Gulf. 

7th  or  Yemen  Army  Corps,  with  headquarters  at 
Sanaa. 

In  addition  to  the  seven  Corps  districts,  the  Ottoman 
Army  possesses  one  divisional  area  in  the  Hedjaz  and 
another  at  Tripoli  in  Barbary. 

Although  each  of  these  Army  Corps  districts  is 
nominally  supposed  to  provide  the  Turkish  Government 
with  an  Army  Corps  of  two  or  more  infantry  divisions, 
a  cavalry  division,  and  a  division  of  field  artillery, 
besides  the  usual  complement  of  details,  yet  as  the  Army 
Corps  organisation  is,  at  any  rate  in  most  instances,  very 
incomplete,  and  as  Turkish  troops  are  generally 
mobilised  by  divisions  or  even  by  brigades,  I  propose 
to  deal  separately  and  as  carefully  as  possible  with 
different  branches  of  the  service,  and  then  to  show 
how  many  of  the  described  units,  be  they  infantry, 
cavalry,  or  artillery,  are  located  in  each  Army  Corps 
district. 

Infantry. 

The  infantry  of  the  Turkish  Army  is  actually  made 
up    of     fifty-five     and    a    half    divisions.       Of    these 


62  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

divisions  twfenty-one  and  a  half  belong  to  the  Nizam  or 
regular  Army,  whilst  thirty-four  are  composed  of  Redif 
regiments.  These  thirty-four  Redif  divisions  are  again 
divided  into  two  parts,  twenty-four  divisions  belonging 
to  the  first-class  Redif  and  ten  divisions  to  the  second- 
class  Redif.  Although  the  above-mentioned  half -divi- 
sion of  Nizam  infantry  is  now  practically  non-existent, 
it  is  proposed  to  fill  its  place  by  newly-formfed  bat- 
talions. This  half -division  was  composed  of  the  two 
Zouave  regiments  (four  battalions)  of  the  Imperial 
Guard  which  were  disbanded  after  the  deposition  of  the 
ex-Sultan  Abdul  Hamid. 

A  division  of  infantry,  in  war  nominally  possessing 
16,000  men,  contains  two  brigades,  each  composed  of 
two  regiments.  A  regiment  is  made  up  of  four  bat- 
talions, each  of  which  in  turn  possesses  four  companies. 
The  war  strength  of  a  battalion  should  be  something 
between  1,000  and  1,082  of  all  ranks,  but  ordinarily 
battalions  only  contain  a  number  varying  from  300  to 
600  of  all  ranks,  according  to  the  districts  in  which 
they  are  quartered.  The  whole  of  the  Nizam  (regular) 
infantry  is  armed  with  the  7.65  mm.  Mauser  rjiagazine 
rifle  of  the  1890  pattern.  Some  of  the  Redif  regiments 
are  provided  with  the  same  weapon,  whilst  others 
possess  Mausers  of  diff^erent  kinds,  or  arms  of  other 
older  patterns.  The  Turkish  Government  has  recently 
ordered  a  very  large  supply  of  ammunition  (it  is  said 
100,000,000  rounds)  for  the  modern  Mauser,  and 
according  to  the  latest  estimates  of  Mahmoud  Shevket 
Pasha,  66,000  modern  rifles  are  to  be  purchased 
immediately  or  have  already  been   delivered. 

The  twenty-one  Nizam  divisions  are  distributed 
amongst  the  seven  Army  Corps  approximately  as 
follows : 

ist  Army  Corps       2  divisions 

2nd     „         „  4  divisions 

3rd     „         „ 5  divisions 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY  63 

4th  Army  Corps      3  divisions 

5th      „         „  I  division 

6th      „         „  2  divisions 

7th      „         „  2  divisions 

The  district  of  Tripoli  in  Barbary  ...  i  division 

The  district  of  the  Yemen i  division 

To  each  of  the  first  six  Army  Corps  are  allotted 
four  divisions  of  the  first-class  infantry  Redif.  The 
ten  divisions  of  second-class  Redif  all  form  part  of 
the  European  Army,  two  and  a.  half  divisions  belong- 
ing to  the  Adrianople  district,  whilst  the  remaining 
seven  and  a  half  divisions  are  on  the  strength  of  the 
Salonika  Army   Corps. 

Cavalry. 
Each  Army  Corps,  as  I  said  above,  is  supposed 
to  possess  a  cavalry  division  composed  of  three 
brigades.  Each  brigade  is  made  up  of  two  regiments. 
A  regiment  in  its  turn  possesses  five  squadrons.  A 
squadron  should  contain  about  120  men  in  peace  and 
150  of  all  ranks  in  war.  At  present  the  actual  strength 
of  squadrons  varies  from  60  to  80  of  all  ranks.  After 
his  Nizam  service  the  cavalryman  passes  into  the  Redif 
infantry.  Only  the  first  five  Army  Corps  contain  their 
complement  of  cavalry,  and  one  brigade  belonging  to 
the  5th  Army  Corps  was  sent  from  the  Damascus  dis- 
trict to  Salonika  some  three  years  ago.  The  remaining 
two  Army  Corps  districts  contain  an  uncertain  and 
very  varying  number  of  cavalry.  The  regular  cavalry, 
which  till  recently  was  for  the  most  part  equipped  with 
the  Henri -Martini  rifle  or  carbine,  is  now  being  re- 
armed with  the  modern  Mauser  carbine.  As  I  have 
already  mentioned,  the  Hamidieh  Cavalry  is  an  irregular 
militia  recruited  from  the  Arab  and  Kurdish  tribes 
of  Asia  Minor.  Although  this  force,  which  is  made 
up  of  sixty-six  regiments,  each  with  a  strength  of 
400  to  800  horsemen,  is  supposed  to  be  embodied 
every  year,  but  little  training  is  actually  carried  out. 


64  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Artillery. 

Each  Army  Corps  district  is  supposed  to  provide 
recruits  for  and  to  contain  a  division  of  field  artillery. 
An  artillery  division  is  made  up  of  three  brigades,  each 
composed  of  two  regiments.  Every  regiment  is  divided 
into  two  battalions,  each  of  which  in  turn  is  made 
up  of  three  batteries.  (An  Army  Corps  should  there- 
fore contain  thirty-six  batteries  of  field  artillery.)  In 
the  past  a  battery  has  always  contained  six  guns  and 
nine  wagons,  but  batteries  of  four  guns  and  six  wagons 
are  now  being  formed. 

The  field  artillery  of  the  Turkish  Army  is  located 
approximately  as  follows  : 


I  St  Army  Corps  district  ... 

30  batteries 

2nd    „ 

n             ••• 

48        » 

3rd     „ 

„          ... 

48        ,, 

4th     „ 

„          ... 

30 

5th     „ 

„          ... 

...    about  20        „ 

6th     „ 

,, 

„     20 

7th     „ 

>»          ... 

„     24 

After  the  Constitution,  the  quick-firing  gims  supplied 
under  various  contracts,  signed  between  1903  and  190$, 
were  removed  from  the  stores  in  which  they  had  been 
housed  since  they  were  delivered  at  Constantinople,  and 
distributed  for  the  most  part  to  the  first  four  Army 
Corps.  Enough  Krupp  quick-firing  guns  to  re-arm 
ninety -three  (six-gun)  batteries  have  now  been  re- 
ceived by  Turkey,  and  I  believe  that  each  gim  was 
provided  with  500  rounds  of  ammunition.  In  addition 
to  the  gims  actually  received  by  Turkey,  I  understand 
that  twenty-three  (four-gun)  batteries  have  been  ordered 
from  the  firm  of  Krupp,  but  have  not  yet  been  delivered 
at  Constantinople.  Owing  to  the  result  of  tests  which 
were  carried  out  at  the  end  of  March,  1910,  the  Turks 
then  decided  to  order  nine  new  batteries  of  quick-firing 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY     65 

guns  from  the  firm  of  Creuzot.  These  Schneider- 
Creuzot  weapons  will,  when  completed,  be  the  first 
of  their  kind  supplied  to  Turkey,  and  will  resemble 
almost  exactly  those  in  use  both  in  Servia  and  Bulgaria. 
The  batteries  of  artillery  in  the  Army  not  yet  re -armed 
with  quick-firing  guns  possess  the  8.7  Krupp  cannon. 

The  Turkish  Arm^  is  supplied  with  but  a  limited 
complement  of  horse  artillery.  At  the  present  time  this 
force  is  only  represented  in  the  first  three  Army  Corps 
districts,  to  each  of  which  has  been  located  six  batteries 
armed  with   Krupp   guns  of   the  old  model. 

The  mountain  batteries  are  allotted  to  the  different 
Army  Corps  approximately  as  follows  : 

ist  Army  Corps 

2nd  „ 

3rd  „ 

4th  „ 

5th  „ 

6th  „ 

7th  „ 

Twenty -three  of  these  (six-gun)  batteries  have  now 
been  re -armed  with  7.5  cm.  quick-firing  Krupp  guns. 
All  these  newly-armed  batteries  are  quartered  in  the 
first  four  Army  Corps  districts.  The  older  model  is 
the  7.5  Krupp  gun. 

The  Turkish  Army  possesses  twelve  batteries  of  field 
Howitzers,  which  are  for  the  most  part  armed  with 
15  cm.  Krupp  guns.  Three  batteries  of  4.3  inch 
position  guns  have  been  ordered  and  I  believe  delivered. 
The  Army  is  also  equipped  with  120  machine  guns  (70 
Hodjkiss  and  50  Maxims).  It  is  now  proposed  to  group 
these  guns  into  machine-gun  companies,  each  made  up 
of  four  guns.  A  company  will  for  obvious  reasons  be 
divided  into  two  sections.  Some  of  the  new  units  have 
already  been  formed  in  the  ist,  2nd,  and  3rd  Army 
Corps  districts. 


6  batteries 

7 

» 

15 

}t 

6 

»» 

3 

>f 

I  or  2 

» 

I  or  2 

i> 

66  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Engineers  and  Details. 

According  to  the  former  recognised  establishment 
of  the  Turkish  Army,  there  should  be  a  battalion  of 
engineers  and  a  battalion  of  train  in  each  Army  Corps  \ 
district.  Endeavours  are  being  made  to  increase  this 
force  to  one  of  the  same  strength  for  each  infantry 
division.  Although  this  reform  has  not  yet  been 
thoroughly  introduced,  yet  in  the  2nd  and  3rd  Army 
Corps  areas  the  new  battalions  of  train  have  already 
been  organised. 

The  Army  possesses  four  Hodjkiss  armoured  motor- 
cars. Whilst  two  of  these,  which  are  in  the  Adrianople 
Army  Corps,  worked  well  during  manoeuvres,  the 
remaining  two  are  in  the  Yemen. 

Medical  Services. 
Under  the  Old  Regime  the  medical  service  of  the 
Army  was  entirely  neglected.     But  few  arrangements 
were  made  during  peace  in  order  to  ensure  adequate 
succour  to  those  who  were  either  wounded  or  afflicted 
with    disease    during    war.      If    one    may    judge    the 
efficiency   of   the   service   from   the   hospitals    which    I 
visited,  it  is  certain  that  no  very  high  standard  has  yet 
been  reached.  At  Monastir,  where  my  visit  was  expected, 
I  found  the  wards  fairly  well  arranged  and  the  operating 
theatre  and  dispensary  clean.     The  staff  of  the  hospital,    ' 
which  consisted  of  eleven  doctors   (mostly  Christians), 
besides  nursing  attendants,  were  extremely  pleased  to 
show  me  their  Rontjen  Ray  apparatus,  which,  although  it 
had  been  but  recently  installed,  seemed  to  be  understood    ! 
by  those  who  were  charged  with  the  responsibility  of   ' 
manipulating    it.      A    description    of    the    hospital    at   j 
Salonika  is  better  left  unwritten. 

Uniforms . 
After   the   Constitution  practically  the   whole  Army   j 
was  re-dressed  in  new  khaki  serge  uniforms.     Whilst   ' 


5  \  ^  -,  >' 


OFFICERS  OF   THK   YOUNG   TIKK    ARMY, 


To  lace  p.  67. 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY     67 

some  regiments  have  even  been  supplied  with 
"ammunition"  boots, closely resembhng  the  footgear  of 
the  British  infantry,  others  still  wear  the  native  sandal- 
like shoes,  which  are  much  more  serviceable,  especially 
to  those  who  are  accustomed  to  them,  for  mountain 
wear.  Endeavours  have  even  been  made  by  the  Turkish 
authorities  to  do  away  with  the  fez  and  introduce  the 
shako  in  order  to  provide  the  soldier  with  shade  for 
his  eyes.  So  far,  however,  these  endeavours  have  not 
met  with  any  great  success. 

Officers. 

In  the  past  the  officers  of  the  Army  have  certainly 
been  its  weakest  part.  The  commissioned  ranks  are 
made  up  of  two  classes  ;  firstly,  the  Mektebi,  or 
gentlemen  who  have  passed  into  the  Army  through  the 
military  schools,  and  secondly,  the  Alaili,  or  men 
who  have  been  promoted  from  the  ranks.  The  number 
of  the  Alalli  officers,  who  are  generally  old  men, 
entirely  ignorant  of  all  the  duties  of  an  officer,  is  being 
decreased,  and  in  the  future  it  is  hoped  that  the  com- 
missioned ranks  will  be  entirely  recruited  from  men 
who  have  studied  at  the  military  schools.  Formerly,, 
too,  there  seems  to  have  been  little  attempt  to  promote 
officers  otherwise  than  by  favour.  During  the  year 
1909,  however,  the  Young  Turks  demonstrated  their 
wish  to  correct  this  abuse  by  reducing  many  of  the 
officers,  who  had  been  improperly  promoted,  to  the 
grade  to  which  their  seniority  entitled  them.  When  I 
was  in  Turkey,  it  was  no  uncommon  sight  to  see  even 
generals  performing  their  duties  in  uniforms  the  marks 
on  which  demonstrated  where  once  superior  badges 
of  rank  had  been  affixed.  The  fact  that  these  men 
have  almost  without  exception  given  up  their  rank  and 
emoluments  without  a  murmur  or  a  complaint  speaks 
well  for  the  spirit  of  patriotism  which  undoubtedly 
pervades  the  Turkish  Army. 


«8  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

During  my  stay  in  Constantinople,  I  paid  a  visit  to 
the  Pancaldi  Military  School.  Although  on  paper  the 
organisation  and  arrangements  of  the  Turkish 
**  Sandhurst  "  may  be  little  short  of  perfect,  yet  I  was 
not  impressed  either  by  the  professors  or  by  the 
military  establishment  over  which  they  preside.  A 
cadet  enters  the  Military  School  at  Constantinople 
between  seventeen  and  nineteen  years  of  age.  Under 
ordinary  circumstances  about  400  boys  gain 
admission   every   year   to   this   establishment. 

The  course  of  instruction,  which  lasts  three  years, 
includes,  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  military  subjects, 
French,  and  either  German  or  Russian.  The  pupils 
at  the  college  who,  according  to  the  information  given 
by  the  Turkish  authorities,  number  1,200  (1,050  for 
the  infantry  and  150  for  the  cavalry),  are  divided  for 
instructional  purposes  into  three  classes.  For  drill  and 
manoeuvres  exercises,  the  cadets  are  organised  by 
battalions  and  squadrons. 

Young  men  desirous  of  obtaining  commissions  in  the 
artillery  or  engineers  pass  through  a  separate  military 
establishment  at  Constantinople. 

The  Military  Academy  at  Constantinople  is  a  sort 
of  Staff  College.  Formerly  the  course  at  this  college 
was  taken  by  selected  officers  immediately  after  they 
had  passed  through  their  course  of  instruction  at  one 
or  other  of  the  two  military  schools.  According  to 
the  present  regulations,  however,  an  officer  must  have 
served  with  his  regiment  for  at  least  two  years  in  order 
to  become  eligible  for  the  Staff  College,  which 
accommodates  120  pupils.  A  certain  number  of  officers 
who  have  successfully  passed  the  two  years'  instruction 
at  the  Academy  are  annually  sent  to  Germany  to  im- 
prove  their  military  knowledge  still  further. 

No  satisfactory  arrangements  have  been  made  for 
the  provision  of  a  sufficiently  large  supply  of  officers 
of  the  reserve.     These  men  are  supposed  to  be  drawn 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY     69 

from  gentlemen  who  have  served  in  the  commissioned 
ranks  of  the  Army,  and  from  non-commissioned  officers 
who  have  passed  certain  examinations.  In  the  event 
of  war,  and  of  the  consequent  mobilisation  of  a  large 
fighting  force,  one  of  the  greatest  difficulties  to  be  over- 
come by  the  military  authorities  will  be  the  shortness  of 
officers — a  difficulty  which  the  Minister  of  War  and 
his  advisers  will  do  well  to  consider  before  hostilities 
actually  occur.  This  shortcoming  in  the  Turkish  Army 
will,  however,  be  gradually  overcome  as  officers  pass 
through  the  military  schools  to  replace  those  who  were 
retired  after  the  revolution  owing  to  their  age  or 
inefficiency. 

Training. 

Before  the  advent  of  the  Constitution  the  troops 
only  performed  military  duties  on  two  or  three  days  a 
week,  and  no  training  was  regularly  carried  out  in  the 
Army.  Almost  immediately  after  the  revolution  small 
manoeuvres,  in  which  one  or  two  battalions  took  part, 
were  instituted  in  the  ist,  2nd,  and  3rd  Army  Corps 
districts.  Subsequently  it  was  discovered  that  the  men 
taking  part  in  these  manoeuvres  had  no  idea  of  the 
rudiments  of  drill,  and  it  was,  therefore,  decided  that 
it  was  necessary  to  carry  out  the  more  elementary 
phases  of  military  instruction.  During  my  travels  I 
found  that,  in  the  various  military  centres  which  I 
visited  in  European  Turkey,  the  men  were  undergoing 
a  considerable  amount  of  drill,  and  that  manoeuvre 
exercises  were  being  carried  out.  Although  practice 
in  shooting,  quite  imknown  during  the  Old  Regime,  has 
now  been  introduced  for  the  infantry,  I  have  been 
unable  to  ascertain  that  any  firing  has  been  carried  out 
by  the  artillery.  In  the  provinces  at  least,  range 
practices  for  the  artillery  seemed  to  be  quite  unknown. 
An  officer  of  high  rank  belonging  to  that  branch  of  the 
service,  and  quartered  in  an  important  military  centre. 


70  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

even  went  so  far  as  to  inform  me  about  eighteen  months 
after  the  advent  of  the  Constitution  that  the  Turkish 
artillery  had  been  so  good  for  fifteen  years  that  it 
was  not  necessary  to  carry  out  any  changes  !  Both  at 
Constantinople,  Salonika,  Adrianople,  and  other  military 
centres  field  days,  in  which  the  whole  of  the  respective 
garrisons  take  part,  are  now  of  no  uncommon  occur- 
rence. The  troops  often  leave  their  quarters  early  in 
the  morning,  not  to  return  until  late  in  the  day. 

In  1909  the  first  manoeuvres  on  a  larger  scale  were 
carried  out  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Adrianople.  The 
general  idea  for  these  manoeuvres,  drawn  up,  I  believe, 
by  General  Von  du  Goltz  Pasha,  who  was  present 
throughout  the  operations,  was  that  a  Red  force  was 
advancing  into  Turkey  from  Bulgaria.  Whilst  the 
object  of  the  main  body  of  this  force,  which  was 
imaginary,  and  which  marched  on  the  south  of  the 
Maritza,  was  to  seize  Demotica  before  the  main  body, 
Blue  (imaginary),  could  be  collected  at  that  town,  a 
second  Red  force,  composed  of  about  6,000  men, 
advanced  along  the  northern  bank  of  the  Maritza  with 
orders  to  cut  the  communications  between  the  main 
body  (Blue)  and  its  flanking  force  (composed  of  about 
5,000  men),  which  was  believed  to  be  at  Kirk  Killiss6, 
and  to  encircle  Adrianople.  Although  some  of  the 
columns  were  imaginary,  yet  the  object  of  manoeuvres 
held  in  this  locality,  and  with  such  a  general  idea,  must 
be  obvious  to  every  student  of  Balkan  geography.  The 
importance  of  Adrianople  is  well  known.  The  army 
which  first  occupies  Demotica  is  not  only  in  a  position 
to  control  the  railway  traffic  from  Salonika  towards 
Adrianople  and  Constantinople,  and  to  protect  Kouleli 
Bourgas  Junction,  but  also  to  advance  up  the  Valley 
of  the  Maritza  and  to  attack  Adrianople  from  the  south 
— a  direction  from  which  the  town  is  the  least  defended. 
Moreover,  if  Demotica  is  left  unprotected,  it  is  possible 
to  approach  the  D6d6  Agatch-Kouleli  Bourgas  Railway, 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY 


71 


from  Kirjali  and  Mastanli,  by  way  of  the  Valley  of  the 
Kizil  D^re  Chai,  which  flows  down  from  the  Eastern 
Rhodope  Balkans  and  joins  the  Maritza  River  at  this 
point . 

During  these  manoeuvres  the  men  marched  well,  and 


Sketch.  Map  to  illustrate  Mdnoeuvres 
1909-1910 

Railways    ^  oi>eft  ^   '"  construction  Scale  r.l,BOO,000 


the  bridges  across  the  River  Tundra  to  the  north  of 
Adrianople  were  rapidly  and  efficiently  constructed. 
Although  the  manner  in  which  the  operations  themselves 
were  carried  out  would  hardly  have  been  accepted  ,as 


72  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

satisfactory  by  European  military  critics,  and  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  many  faults  were  certainly  visible, 
yet,  on  the  whole,  the  conduct  of  these  manoeuvres  more 
than  came  up  to  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of 
those  whose  opinions  concerning  Turkish  military 
matters    carry   most   weight. 

The  1 910  Army  manoeuvres,  in  which  about  70,000 
men  were  engaged,  again  took  place  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Adrianople.  Each  force  was  made  up  of  an 
Army  Corps  of  regular  troops  augmented  by  a  division 
of  Redifs.  As  in  1909,  the  general  idea  was  based  on 
a  scheme  in  which  a  force  advancing  from  the  direction 
of  Bulgaria  upon  Constantinople  was  opposed  by  a 
force  which  held  the  railway  junction  at  Kouleli 
Bourgas. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  both  officers  and  men  of  the 
Turkish  Army  are  greatly  wanting  in  education.  Before 
the  Constitution  tactical  schemes  for  officers  were  en- 
tirely unknown.  Some  endeavours  have  been  made  to 
introduce  these  exercises  since  July,  1908,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  ascertain  with  what  success  these  efforts  have 
been  attended.  Attempts  are  also  being  made  to  im- 
prove the  education  of  the  men,  80  per  cent,  among 
whom,  it  is  calculated,  are  now  unable  to  read  or  write. 
With  this  object  in  view,  the  more  up-to-date  and 
liberal-minded  Turkish  governors  and  military  com- 
manders are  making  use  of  every  opportunity  to  lecture 
their  men.  During  my  staty  in  Adana  I  was  present  at 
two  of  these  addresses,  which  were  delivered  by  the 
Vali  and  the  Military  Commander  of  the  district.  These 
officers  not  only  gave  their  men  a  short  account  of  all 
the  great  deeds  which  had  been  accomplished  by  the 
Turks  in  the  past,  and  referred  to  the  fact  that  the  eyes 
of  the  whole  world  were  fixed  upon  Turkey,  but  exhorted 
the  troops,  by  loving  their  officers  aiid  their  comrades, 
to  maintain  that  high  standard  of  discipline  which  was 
so  necessary  to  the  Army  of  Turkey. 


>       V 

<    p. 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY  73 

Discipline. 

The  discipline  of  the  Turkish  Army  is  certainly  not 
above  reproach.  During  the  many  months  which  inter- 
vened between  the  appointment  of  Mahmoud  Shevket 
Pasha  as  '*  Inspector-General  of  the  ist,  2nd,  and  3rd 
Army  Corps,"  and  the  moment  when  his  Excellency 
became  Minister  of  War  in  January,  19 10,  the  discipline 
of  the  Turkish  Army  could  be  but  little  improved. 
For  months  Mahmoud  Shevket  Pasha  actually  com- 
manded and  issued  orders  to  generals  senior  to  himself 
in  rank.  From  personal  experience  I  can  testify  that 
nobody  could  do  anything  in  the  military  world  without 
the  permission  of  the  prospective  generalissimo,  the  then 
Minister  of  War,  Salih  Pasha,  even  referring  everything 
to  his  nominal  subordinate.  Although  Mahmoud  Shevket 
Pasha,  who  is  a  very  moderate  man,  undoubtedly  carried 
out  his  duties  as  efficiently  as  was  possible  under  the 
circumstances,  and  although  he  probably  filled  the 
difficult  position  entrusted  to  him  more  successfully 
than  any  other  Ottoman  would  have  done,  yet  it  is 
obvious  that  a  man  nominally  only  occupying  the 
position  of  Inspector-General  of  part  of  the  Army,  but 
in  reality  being  a  sort  of  secret  lord  and  master  of  all 
he  surveyed,  could  not  enforce  that  state  of  discipline 
which  is  so  necessary  in  any  military  organisation. 
From  the  moment  when  Mahmoud  Shevket  Pasha 
became  Minister  of  War  in  the  Government  of  Hakki 
Pasha,  it  is  obvious  that  the  difficulty  of  the  command 
of  the  Army,  both  in  peace  and  in  case  of  war,  has 
disappeared. 

Since  the  advent  of  the  Constitution,  the  officers  of 
the  Army,  especially  those  of  the  lower  grades,  have 
mixed  themselves  up  in  the  politics  of  the  country,  and 
have  often  been  the  most  active  members  of  the 
Committee  of  Union  and  Progress.  On  more  than  one 
occasion   it   has   been   necessary   to   issue   orders    that 


14:  THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

officers  are  not  to  play  any  part  in  politics,  and  even 
to  forbid  those  gentlemen  to  remain  members  of  the 
Committee  of  Union  and  Progress.  As  a  result  of  these 
orders,  some  fifty  officers  resigned  their  commissions, 
and  about  two  hundred  more  would  have  adopted  the 
same  course  had  they  not  been  dissuaded  from  doing 
so  by  the  Committee  itself.  My  readers  can  judge  for 
themselves  whether  or  not  these  officers,  and  their 
many  friends,  have  in  reality  given  up  taking  any 
interest  in  politics,  and  are  now  only  devoting  them- 
selves to  the  exigencies  of  their  much  neglected  military 
profession. 

The  relationship  which  exists  between  the  Turkish 
officer  and  his  subordinates  is  very  difficult  to  describe. 
Undoubtedly,  much  more  familiarity  exists  between  the 
commissioned  and  uncommissioned  ranks  than  in 
almost  any  European  Army.  It  seems  as  if  the  custom 
which  obliterates  all  differences  of  social  standing 
in  Turkey  enables  the  officer  to  associate  with  his 
men  and  yet  to  ensure  perfect  obedience  from  them. 
The  discipline  of  the  men  is,  undoubtedly,  considerably 
better  than  that  of  the  commissioned  ranks.  The 
Moslem,  always  well  disciplined,  obeys  and  fights  almost 
as  part  of  his  religion.  In  spite  of  the  corruption  which 
has  prevailed  in  the  past,  and  which,  undoubtedly,  still 
exists  in  Turkey,  I  have  never  heard  of  a  soldier  who 
has  been  influenced  by  money  to  disobey  an  order, 
nor  who,  as  a  result  of  bribery,  has  neglected  a  military 
duty  which  has  been  entrusted  to  him  to  perform. 

The  success  in  establishing  equality  between  the 
various  races  of  the  Empire  will  certainly  either  be 
furthered  or  considerably  delayed  by  the  enlistment  of 
Christians  and  Jews  in  the  Army.  This  reform  will 
have  most  far-reaching  effects,  not  only  upon  the  in- 
habitants of  European  Turkey,  but  also  upon  the 
population  of  the  Empire  at  large.  A  law  was  passed 
by  the  Ottoman  Parliament  early  in  1909,  recognising 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY     75 

the  right  of  all  subjects  of  the  Sultan  to  enter  the  Army, 
and  abolishing  the  tax  of  forty  piastres  (6s.  8d.)  which 
had  previously  been  paid  by  non-Moslems  in  lieu  of 
service.  During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1909  the 
local  authorities  of  the  various  Christian  and  Jewish 
communities  were  occupied  with  the  preparation  of 
lists  indicating  those  who  were  liable  to  service,  and 
shortly  before  Christmas,  1909,  lots  were  actually 
drawn  in  many  districts  of  the  Empire. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  recruits  did  subse- 
quently join  the  colours,  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  any 
reliable  information  as  to  how  many  non-Moslems  have 
actually  been  enlisted,  or  what  proportion  of  the  Army 
is  eventually  to  be  drawn  from  the  Christian  and  Jewish 
populations  of  the  Empire.  Scarcely  any  non-Moslem 
officers  are  being  trained  for  the  Army.  Moreover,  as 
the  number  of  Christian  recruits  in  the  Army  is  not 
fixed  by  the  Chamber,  the  executive  is  left  free  to 
decide  how  many  Christians  shall  be  taken  for  service 
in  the  Army  every  year.  In  spite  of  the  original  rumour 
that  25  per  cent,  of  the  Army  is  ultimately  to  be  made 
up  of  non -Moslems,  the  Turks  have  clearly  demon- 
strated their  policy  of  making  the  exemptions  for 
Christians  as  liberal  as  possible.  According  to  a  recent 
decree  of  the  Minister  of  War  the  population  of  Chris- 
tians in  the  Army  is  fixed  at  20  per  cent.  Many  recruits, 
who  prior  to  their  enrolment  were  only  too  anxious 
to  serve,  are  now  equally  desirous  of  returning  to  their 
homes.  Wholesale  cases  of  desertion  have  occurred, 
and  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  at  least  some  of 
the  Christian  recruits,  many  of  whom  happen  to  know 
a  trade,  are  kept  as  '*  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of 
water  *'  in  the  commissariat,  instead  of  being  provided 
with  and  taught  the  use  of  arms. 

Before  Christians  were  actually  taken  for  service, 
the  heads  of  the  various  communities  used  all  their 
influence  in  order  to  try  to  arrange  that  the  mien  of 


76     THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

their  flocks  should  only  serve  in  the  Army  when  certain 
privileges  had  been  arranged  for  them — privileges  most 
of  which  the  non-Moslems  were  undoubtedly  entitled 
to  expect  should  be  bestowed  upon  them.  Owing  to 
the  fact  that  the  Armenian  Patriarch,  even  if  he  ever 
formulated  conditions  at  all,  almost  immediately  with- 
drew them,  it  is  only  with  the  petitions  drawn  up 
by  the  Greek  Patriarch  and  by  the  Bulgarian  Exarch 
that  I  propose  to  deal  in  detail  here. 

Although  the  Turks  have  not  agreed  to  the  condi- 
tions which  these  two  religious  chiefs  desired  to  impose 
upon  them,  and  have  enlisted  Christians  and  Jews  un- 
conditionally, yet  the  fact  that  conditions  (many  of 
them  most  reasonable)  were  drawn  up  is  not  without 
considerable  importance.  Not  only  is  it  obvious  that 
men,  enlisted  without  what  they  and  their  advisers  con- 
sider in  a  constitutional  country  to  be  the  rights  of 
citizenship,  might  prove  unreliable  servants  of  the  State, 
but  it  is  certain  that  the  influence  of  these  religious 
chiefs,  who  have  been  thwarted,  will  be  secretly,  if 
not  openly,  utilised  against  a  form'  of  government  which 
has  paid  no  attention  to  the  petitions  addressed  to  it. 

Whilst  somte  of  the  same  conditions  were  proposed 
both  by  the  Greek  and  by  the  Bulgarian  ecclesiastical 
dignitaries,  the  Patriarch  and  the  Exarch  each  desired 
some  modifications  in  the  regulations  for  the  enlistment 
of  Christians  which  were  not  pressed  for  by  the  other 
Eastern  Pontifl^.  The  following  proposals  are  classed 
under  the  first  category  : 

I.  That  it  should  be  forbidden  for  men  to  be  con- 
verted to  Mohammedanism  during  their  period  of 
military  service.  The  object  of  such  a  stipulation  is 
obvious.  Under  the  conditions  prevailing  in  the  East 
it  would  be  practically  impossible  for  anybody  to  dis- 
cover whether  a  man  changed  his  religion  in  order  to 
embrace  Islam  of  his  own  free  will  or  under  pressure, 
direct    or    indirect,    brought    to   bear    by    the    Turkish 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY     77 

authorities.  Conversion  to  Mohammedanism  is  often 
held  out  by  the  Turks  as  an  alternative  to  massacre  or 
ill-treatment.  Even  during  the  massacres  at  Adana  a 
man  who  embraced  the  Mohammedan  religion  often 
saved  his  life  by  so  doing. 

2.  That  Christians  should  be  allowed  to  observe 
Sundays  and  feast  days  as  holidays,  and  to  keep  them 
according  to  the  custom'  of  their  own  particular 
Churches.  This  condition  is  reasonable  as  the  military 
Moslems  themselves  observe  Friday  as  a!  holy  day. 

3.  That  special  companies  of  Christians  should  be 
formed,  and  that,  in  addition,  men  should  sleep  in 
barrack-rooms  by  companies,  thereby  ensuring  that 
Christians  would  not  be  compelled  to  occupy  the  same 
rooms  as  those  tenanted  by  Moslems.  Those  who  are 
cognisant  of  the  ways  of  Turkey  are  able  to  understand 
that,  although  this  condition  might  be  somewhat  dis- 
advantageous from^  a  military  standpoint,  yet  that  the 
Christians  are  fully  justified  in  laying  stress  upon  it. 

Besides  these  conditions,  which  both  the  Patriarch 
and  the  Exarch  tried  to  impose  upon  the  Government, 
the  Patriarch  endeavoured  to  arrange  that — 

1.  Every  regiment  containing  a  sufficient  number 
of  Christians  should  be  provided  with  a  priest  in  the 
same  manner  a;s  that  in  which  Moslem  khojas  are 
allotted  to  regiments,  and  that  a  church  or  place  of 
worship  should  be  fixed,  at  which  the  Christians  of 
each  regiment  might  unite  for  prayer  at  the  appointed 
times.  His  Holiness,  who  endeavoured  to  insist  that  the 
Greek  Church  must  be  permitted  to  bury  their  dead 
without  any  molestation,  agreed  that  the  dress  of  priests 
might  conceivably  be  altered  in  order  that  it  should 
be  better  suited  to  the  exigencies  of  military  life. 

2.  Christian  boys  who  are  properly  qualified  should, 
in  future,  be  accepted  in  the  niilitary  schools,  in  order 
that  in  due  course  these  cadets  might  become  officers. 
With  reference  to  this  condition,  although'  I   was  in- 


78  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

foniied  by  the  authorities  at  the  Pancaldi  War  School 
that  Christians  were  to  be  permitted  to  enter  that  estab- 
lishment, I  was  not  convinced  that  the  examiners  had 
looked  with  favour  upon  the  attempts  of  many  of  the 
Christian  candidates. 

The  Bulgarian  Exarch  on  his  part  tried  to  insist 
that— 

1.  Military  service  for  Christians  should  only  be 
undergone    in   the   European   vilayets  of   the   Empire. 

Although  this  condition  is  certainly  unreasonable 
when  it  is  imposed  as  a  condition,  yet  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  the  enrolment  of  Christians  may  enable  the  Turks 
to  adopt  a  more  thoroughly  territorial  system,  and  that 
as  a  result  men  recruited  in  Asia  Minor  will  be  trained 
near  their  homes  instead  of  being  sent  to  European 
Turkey,  and  that,  therefore,  Bulgarian  conscripts  will, 
in  fact,  automatically  serve  in  European  Turkey,  from 
which  they  will  for  the  most  part  be  recruited. 

2.  When  an  Exarchist  soldier  is  pronounced  to  be 
seriously  ill,  a  priest  should  be  called  to  minister  to  the 
needs  of  his  soul. 

3.  Schoolmasters  and  professors,  besides  young  men 
who  have  a  certificate  for  a  higher  education,  should  be 
exempted  altogether  from  military  service,  and  that 
young  men  who  have  a  secondary  education  should  only 
serve  one  year  instead  of  three  or  four  with  the  colours. 
In  addition,  that  men  who  are  studying  at  seminaries 
should  be  exempted  from  military  service  until  they 
reach  thirty  years  of  age,  at  which  time,  if  they  have 
not  become  priests,  they  are  to  join  the  colours. 

The  question  of  the  enrolment  of  non-Moslems  in 
the  Army  possesses  both  most  far-reaching  advantages 
and  dangers  to  the  Ottoman  Empire.  If  Christians 
and  Jews  were  not  permitted  to  serve  in  the  Army 
on  the  same  terms  as  Moslems,  the  promise  of  race 
equality  would  not  have  been  realised.  Discontent 
amongst   the   population   would  consequently  increase. 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY  79 

Besides,  many  of  the  non-Moslems,  who  are  often  very 
poor,  and  to  whom  a  small  sum,  therefore,  represents 
a  good  deal,  would  prefer  to  serve  in  the  Army  rather 
than  to  be  subjected  to  a  military  tax.  Whether  men 
who  have  served  would  be  of  a  like  mind  or  not  it 
is  difficult  to  say,  but  it  is  certain  that  were  Christians 
not  permitted  to  become  soldiers,  the  military  tax  would 
be  utilised  as  a  grievance  against  the  Government. 

The  admittance  of  non -Moslems  into  the  Army  will 
certainly  carry  with  it  many  difficulties  for  the  Turkish 
Government.  Men  once  trained  in  the  use  of  arms 
will  be  far  more  difficult  to  suppress  than  an  unarmed, 
untrained,  helpless  mob.  Not  only  will  the  superior 
training  of  the  men  who  have  been  subjected  to  military 
service  render  their  attitude  towards  the  Ottoman 
Government  a  cause  of  possible  internal  and  external 
complications,  but  should  a  war  break  out  which  was 
unpopular  with  any  of  the  races  from  which  the  Army 
will  henceforth  be  recruited,  it  seems  possible  that  the 
representatives  of  that  race,  whilst  actually  serving, 
might  easily  cause  trouble  in  the  ranks.  To  the  every- 
day man  it  is  indeed  perplexing  to  understand  how  the 
Moslem,  always  more  or  less  fanatical,  will  be  willing 
to  see  his  Christian  brother  carrying  arms.  It  will 
really  be  wonderful  if  a  section  of  Moslems,  or  even 
partly  made  up  of  Moslems,  ever  faithfully  obeys  the 
commands  of  a  Christian  corporal. 

After  discussing  this  important  reform  with  leading 
Young  Turks,  and  with  important  members  of  the 
various  Christian  races  of  Turkey,  I  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  Young  Turks  have  adopted  the 
only  course  open  to  them  in  allowing  Christians  to 
enter  the  Army.  When  once  the  non-Moslem  element 
has  become  a  real  factor  in  the  Army,  the  Government 
must  ensure  that  the  conscripts  of  all  races  are  treated 
with  frankness,  impartiality,  and  fairness.  No  attempts 
must  be  made  to  convert  soldiers  to  Islam.     Christians 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY     81 

to  Kirk  Killiss^,  or  other  nlore  inaccessible  districts,  to 
the  eastward  of  Adrianople.  When  Christians  once 
bear  their  share  of  the  burden  of  conscription,  it  will 
be  possible  to  reorganise  the  recruiting  areas,  so  that 
each  of  the  divisions  and  Army  Corps  may  be  largely, 
if  not  entirely,  recruited  from  the  districts  in  which  they 
are  quartered. 

In  order  to  get  over  the  difficulty  of  being  unable 
to  mobilise  the  active  Army  rapidly,  for  smaller  ex- 
peditions and  less  important  internal  rebellions,  it  is 
not  uncommon  for  men  belonging  to  the  first-class 
Redif  to  be  summoned  to  join  the  colours  before  the 
reservists  of  the  Nizam^  have  been  called  up.  The 
object  of  this  plan  of  obtaining  a  more  or  less  power- 
ful striking  force  is  that,  as  the  headquarters  of  Redif 
regiments  are  generally  in  the  districts  from  which  the 
men  are  actually  recruited,  these  units  can  be  quickly 
mobilised.  Units  once  thus  mobilised  can  be  thrown 
into  any  part  of  the  Empire  more  rapidly  than  could 
Nizam  units,  which  would  be  compelled  to  wait  the 
arrival  of  their  reservists,  each  of  whom,  having  travelled 
to  rejoin  the  colours  on  his  own  account,  would  arrive 
much  more  slowly  than  would  a  battalion  for  which 
proper  arrangements  could  be  made.  The  disadvan- 
tages of  this  plan,  which  is  the  only  one  which  can 
be  adopted  until  the  Army  Corps  districts  are  re- 
arranged, and  which  was,  in  fact,  followed  for  the 
expedition  against  the  Albanians  in  1910,  are  obvious. 
Not  only  are  the  Nizam'  and  Redif  battalions  very 
different  in  strength,  because  the  former  are  on  a  peace 
footing,  whilst  the  latter  are  at  a  war  strength,  but 
the  reservists  of  the  Nizam;  who  are  naturally  younger 
and  more  recently  trained  than  those  of  the  Redif,  either 
remain  unutilised,  or  perhaps  are  even  drafted  into 
the  Redif,  to  take  their  share  of  the  burden  of  the 
campaign.  However  little  may  be  the  confusion  which 
must  ensue  as  a  result  of  this  manner  of  mobilisation 

6 


82  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

when  the  troops  are  only  required  to  quiet  an  insurrec- 
tion, it  is  certain  that  in  case  of  a  big  war  the  efficiency 
of  the  Army  would  be  seriously  affected.  Delay  would 
necessarily  ensue,  even  in  countries  provided  with  good 
means  of  communication,  but  in  Turkey,  where  rail- 
ways are  few  and  roads  inferior,  it  is  difficult  to  calcu- 
late what  disaster  might  not  occur  before  a  powerful 
Army  could  be  placed  in  the  field. 

After  the  advent  of  the  Constitution  it  was  decided 
to  reorganise  the  gendarmerie,  not  only  of  Macedonia, 
but  throughout  the  country.  The  Empire  has  been 
divided  into  six  gendarmerie  districts,  with  headquarters 
at  Salonika,  Constantinople,  Smyrna,  Beyrout,  Bagdad, 
and  Trebizond.  The  reforms  have  been  entrusted  to 
European  officers,  many  of  whom  have  gained  experi- 
ence of  things  Turkish  by  a  period  of  service  in  the 
Macedonian  gendarmerie,  during  the  reign  of  Abdul 
Hamid.  Four  or  five  foreign  officers  have  been  allotted 
to  each  of  the  six  districts.  A  gendarme,  who  nearly 
always  remains  in  the  same  district  as  that  in  which 
he  is  recruited,  is  compelled  to  serve  for  four  years  if 
he  enlists  direct  from  civil  life,  whilst  a  recruit  who 
joins  from  the  Army  need  only  stay  in  the  force  for 
two  years.  As  far  as  possible,  officers  and  non-com- 
missioned officers  who  have  been  trained  in  Macedonia 
as  a  result  of  the  reform  scheme  introduced  for  that  dis- 
trict have  been  scattered  throughout  the  country  to 
assist  the  European  officers  in  their  task — the  carrying 
out  of  which  is  so  urgently  necessary  to  the  welfare  of 
the  country. 

Although  in  peace  the  Turkish  Army  is  supposed  to 
have  a  strength  of  300,000  men,  it  is  probable  that  the 
actual  numbers  do  not  exceed  260,000  of  all  ranks, 
out  of  which  number  about  i  50,000  are  usually  under 
arms  in  European  Turkey.  In  a  speech  made  by 
Mahmoud  Shevket  Pasha  in  the  Turkish  Chamber 
during  June,   1910,  his  Excellency  informed  the  public 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY     83 

that  as  War  Minister  he  could  not  consent  to  a  smaller 
actual  peace  strength  than  274,000  men.  The  Turkish 
military  force  that  would  be  available  in  case  of  war 
is  unlikely  to  exceed  1,150,000.  Although,  at  present 
at  any  rate,  it  is  probable  that  these  numbers  will  not 
be  increased  by  the  admission  of  non-Moslems,  yet  it 
is  likely  that  the  figures  given  on  paper  may  be  more 
closely  adhered  to  than  they  have  been  in  the  past. 

It  is  practically  impossible  to  obtain  any  really  accu- 
rate statement  as  to  the  amount  of  money  expended  on 
the  Army  by  the  Young  Turks.  Figures  are  given,  but 
it  seems  probable  that  not  only  large  portions  of  the 
indemnity  paid  by  Austria  in  exchange  for  the  annexa- 
tion of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  but  also,  at  least, 
portions  of  the  confiscated  wealth  of  the  ex-Sultan,  have 
in  fact,  been  allotted  for  military  purposes.  Although 
the  Budget  for  1907-8  was  under  £T 5,000,000  with- 
out the  money  devoted  to  the  gendarmerie  and  nearly 
£T6,ooo,ooo  when  the  expense  of  that  force  is  included, 
yet  the  actual  sum  voted  to  Mahmoud  Shevket  Pasha  for 
the  ordinary  military  Budget  in  19 10  amounts  to 
£T9,ooo,ooo,  whilst  a  further  provision  for  the  Army 
has  been  made  by  an  extraordinary  Budget  of 
£T5,2  58,ooo,  to  be  divided  between  this  and  the  two 
next  financial  years.  The  money  voted  for  the  extra- 
ordinary Budget  is  to  be  used  to  purchase  a  large 
supply  of  rifles  and  guns,  and  to  improve  the  fortifica- 
tions at  Adrianople  and  other  military  centres. 

If  the  writer  upon,  or  reader  about,  the  Turkish  Army, 
is  animated  by  a  desire  to  find  points  worthy  of  adverse 
criticism,  it  would  be  possible  to  discover  ample 
material  on  which  to  comment  with  damning  truth- 
fulness. If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  European  critic 
desires  to  be  fair  in  his  observations  upon  the  military 
forces  of  tlie  Sultan,  he  cannot  refrain  from  considering 
that  the  period  which  has  intervened  since  the  advent 
of  the  Constitution,  even  if  the  situation  in  Turkey  had 


84     THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

been  unbeset  by  numerous  difficulties,  would  have  been 
all  too  short  to  enable  the  Turkish  military  authorities 
to  accomplish  anything  beyond  thinking  out  schemes  of 
possible  reform,  and  accompanying  these  thoughts  by 
the  most  superficial  real  changes.  Provided  even  that 
unforeseen  events  do  not  occur,  it  must  take  years  before 
the  Ottoman  Army  can  be  wrested  from  the  corrupt 
and  stunting  influences  of  Hamidianism.  If  the  Young 
Turks  can  successfully  train  and  merge  the  conscripts 
of  the  various  races  of  the  Empire  intq  a  great  Ottoman 
Army,  not  only  will  they  have  accomplished  a  most 
difficult  task  from  a  military  point  of  view,  but  they 
will  have  actually  laid  the  foundation  stone  of  a  national 
building  composed  of  materials  which  might  indeed  be 
known  by  the  names  of  Fraternity,  Equality,  Justice, 
and  Liberty. 

Before  concluding  this  chapter,  in  which  I  have  en- 
deavoured to  give  some  account  of  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  Turkish  Army,  I  will  enumerate  very 
briefly  a  few  facts  concerning  the  Ottoman  Navy. 
During  the  Old  Regime  the  fleet— such  as  it  was— 
remained  anchored  in  the  Golden  Horn  from  one  year's 
end  to  another.  Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the 
Constitution,  however,  the  Turkish  Government  obtained 
the  services  of  Admiral  Sir  Douglas  Gamble  and  those 
of  about  half  a  dozen  British  officers  to  assist  in  the 
reorganisation  of  the  Turkish  fleet,  which  is  still  in 
progress.  On  the  retirement  of  Sir  Douglas  Gamble 
early  in  1910,  Admiral  H.  P.  Williams— also  of  the 
British  Navy — took  his  place,  in  which  he  not  only 
acts  as  a  general  naval  adviser  to  the  Turkish  Govern- 
ment, but  also  flies  his  flag  as  an  Admiral  in  the 
sea-going  Turkish  fleet,  over  which  he  exercises  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  direct  authority.  Under  his 
supervision  the  many  much-needed  reforms  are  making 
undoubted  progress. 

In   addition   to   the   Haireddin    Babarossa   and   the 


THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  NAVY     85 

Torgut  Reiss-^two  battleships  of  the  Brandenberg  class, 
purchased  from  Germany  in  August,  1910 — the  Turks 
have  a  fairly  efficient  old  battleship,  the  Messoudieh, 
which  has  been  re -armed  as  a  cruiser,  besides  two  small 
modem  cruisers  and  about  twenty  serviceable  torpedo 
craft.  Of  the  latter,  two  torpedo  gunboats  and  four 
destroyers  are  large  enough  to  accompany  the  fleet  to 
sea,  whilst  the  remainder  could  effect  a  mobile  defence 
of  the  Dardanelles  and  of  the  Bosphorus,  for  which  they 
were  probably  intended  when  they  were  purchased.  On 
paper,  there  are  a  good  many  other  ships  in  the  Turkish 
Navy,  but  none  of  these  are  of  any  value  for  the  pur- 
poses of  war.  At  the  present  time  a  small  cruiser  is 
being  built  for  the  Ottoman  Government  at  Genoa,  and 
two  destroyers  (nearly  completed)  are  under  construc- 
tion in  Germany. 

To  estimate  the  true  value  of  the  re -organised  and 
strengthened  Turkish  fleet  as  a  factor  in  Eastern  politics, 
it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  work  it  is  intended 
to  perform.  The  value  of  a  ship  is  always  relative, 
and  depends  a  good  deal  upon  whether  she  be  intended 
as  a  provision  to  meet  all  political  emergencies,  or 
only  for  a  special  purpose.  In  the  existing  situation, 
it  may  be  said  that,  though  the  two  battleships  pur- 
chased in  Germany  are  of  no  practical  value  for  the 
first  of  these  categories,  they  are  of  great  importance 
for  the  second.  That  is  to  say,  that  as  ships  in  the  line 
of  battle  of  a  maritime  Power,  prepared  to  meet  any 
other  Power  in  war,  they  would  be  quite  out  of  date  j 
but  as  vessels  specially  obtained  with  a  view  of  possible 
trouble  with  Greece,  they  answer  their  purpose  very 
well,  and,  being  immediately  available,  were,  under  the 
circumstances,  quite  worth  the  £900,000  paid  to  Ger- 
many for  them.  Before  the  acquisition  of  these  two 
ships,  the  Turkish  fleet  could  never  have  dared  leave 
the  Dardanelles  if  the  Greeks  had  been  bent  upon 
destroying  it.     In  other  words,  the  Turks  could  have 


86  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

done  nothing  to  prevent  free  communication  between 
Greece  and  Crete,  unless  by  invading  Greece  and 
advancing  as  far  as  Athens.  Moreover,  in  the  event  of 
war,  the  whole  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  and  even 
Turkish  Arabia,  with  all  the  Turkish  islands  in  the 
Levant,  would  have  been  helplessly  exposed  to  bom- 
bardment or  raid  by  Greek  ships.  As  a  result  of  these 
purchases  in  Germany  all  this  is  changed  in  Turkey's 
favour,  for  the  aggregate  Turkish  armament,  although 
rather  less  than  the  aggregate  Greek,  is  tactically  more 
effective.  Not  only  are  the  Turkish  ships  better 
armoured  than  those  of  Greece,  but,  having  all  their 
armaments  mounted  on  the  centre  line,  they  can  bring 
all  their  guns  into  action  in  a  line  of  battle  simul- 
taneously, whereas  in  the  Greek  battleships  they  are 
so  mounted  that  one -third  must  always  remain  dis- 
engaged in  any  formation  whatever. 


Ill 

THE   ALBANIAN   QUESTION 

Origin  and  religions  of  the  Albanians — Foreign  influences  in  Albania — 
The  gathering  of  Albanians  at  Ferisovitch  in  July,  1908 — The 
Albanian  insurrections  of  1908  and  1909 — The  Congress  of  Dibra 
— Some  causes  of  unrest  in  Albania — The  Albanian  rebellion  of 
1910 — School  and  language  questions  in  Albania. 

It  is  difHcult  to  describe  accurately  what  is  meant  by 
the  geographical  term  Albania.  Whilst  an  official  of 
the  Turkish  Government  would  refuse  to  recognise  the 
existence  of  any  district  known  by  that  name,  an 
Albanian,  a  Greek,  a  Bulgarian,  and  a  Servian  would 
each  define  the  boundaries  of  Albania  in  accordance  with 
the  national  aspirations  of  the  race  (for  the  moment 
counting  Bulgarians  and  Servians  as  belonging  to  dif- 
ferent races)  to  which  he  belonged.  Lord  Fitzmaurice 
(then  Lord  Edmond  Fitzmaurice)  in  a  dispatch 
addressed  to  Earl  Granville  in  the  year  1880,  described 
the  district  covered  by  the  geographical  expression 
Albania  as  that  territory  "  which  falls  mainly  within 
the  two  vilayets  of  Scutari  and  Yanina,  but  extends  also 
in  an  easterly  direction  beyond  the  watershed  of  the 
mountains  dividing  the  streams  which  fall  into  the 
Adriatic  from  those  which  fall  into  the  ^gean  Sea 
and  includes  portions  of  the  vilayets  of  Monastir  and 
of  Kossovo."  Although,  strictly  speaking,  neither  a 
political  district  nor  an  administrative  area  of  Albania 
really  exists,  yet  for  the  purpose  of  making  my  few 
brief   remarks   upon  the  Albanian   Question   the   more 


88  THE  DANGER  ZONE  0F|  EUROPE 

intelligible,  I  propose  to  accept  Lord  Fitzmaurice's  ex- 
planation of  what  is  meant  by  Albania. 

The  Albanians  are  generally,  and  probably  accurately, 
identified  by  impartial  observers  as  the  descendants  of 
the  ancient  Illyrians,  who  were  simply  the  inhabitants 
of  lUyria,  to  whom  the  Albanians  allege  that  St.  Paul 
referred  when  he  said  :  **  Round  about  into  lUyricum 
I  have  fully  preached  the  gospel  of  Christ."  But  little 
is  known  about  these  Illyrians  except  that  they  were  slow 
to  accept  the  civilisation  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans, 
and  that  subsequently  they  were  driven  westwards 
towards  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic  by  the  advancing 
hordes  of  Slavs.  The  Albanians  to-day  are  a  wild, 
warlike  people  who  for  many  years  have  occupied  in 
Europe  towards  the  Turkish  Government  the  same 
position  as  that  held  in  Asia  Minor  by  the  Kurds .  Both 
races  are  religiously  unorthodox,  both  races  have 
been  utilised  by  the  Turks  to  suppress  the  Christians, 
and  the  attitude  of  both  races  towards  European  inter- 
ference in  the  Turkish  Empire  has  been  made  use  of  by 
the  Ottoman  Government  as  a  threat  to  the  jambas- 
sadors  of  the  Great  Powers  as  each  new  programme 
for  reform  has  been  suggested  at  Constantinople. 
Fierce  and  lawless  as  the  average  Albanian  still  may 
be,  he  is  a  man  who  is  faithful,  even  unto  death.  An 
Amaut,  once  engaged,  is  not  only  the  most  trusty  servant 
and  loyal  follower  in  the  whole  Near  East,  but  he  is  the 
most  useful  protector  to  his  employer  in  whatever  diffi- 
culty may  arrive. 

The  Albanian  subjects  of  the  Sultan,  who  reside  for 
the  most  part  in  what  I  have  described  as  Albania,  are 
divided  into  two  principal  groups — Tosks  and  Ghegs. 
The  River  Skumbia,  which  enters  the  Adriatic  about 
half-way  between  the  towns  of  Durazzo  and  Avlona, 
may  be  said  to  divide  the  country  inhabited  by  the 
former  from  that  populated  by  the  latter. 

It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  number  of  Albanians  in 


C^£^-t,^t^ 


FERID  PASHA. 


Ferid  Pasha,  who  is  perhaps  the  rrost  imporlant  living  Albanian,  was  Grand  Vizier  under 
the  Old  Regime  from  1903  until  July  22, 1508.  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Said  Pasha. 
Subsequently  his  Highness  was  Minister  of  the  Interior  for  several  months  under  the 
New  Regime 


To  face  p.  88. 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  89 

Turkey.  iWlhile  some  authorities  put  the  Albanian 
population  down  at  somewhere  between  1,000,000  and 
1,200,000,  the  Albanians  themselves  say  that  they 
number  nearly  2,000,000.  Although  this  is  probably 
an  exaggeration,  it  is  possible  that  it  is  not  far  wrong, 
as  in  making  statistics  the  Greeks,  and  usually  the 
Turks,  consider  all  members  of  the  Orthodox  Church  as 
Greek,  regardless  of  their  race.  If,  therefore,  this  has 
been  done  in  the  case  of  the  Albanians,  many  of  those 
people  who  live  in  the  south  and  who  have  become 
more  or  less  **  Greekised  *'  may  have  been  counted 
by  the  Greeks  and  by  the  Turks  as  Greeks,  when  by 
race  they  are  really  Albanians. 

As  the  Tosks  or  Southern  Albanians  are  more  civi- 
lised and  perhaps  less  warlike  than  their  northern 
brothers,  they  have,  at  least  of  late  years,  been  more 
subject  to  Ottoman  control  than  have  the  Ghegs.  The 
Tosks  are  not  divided  into  regular  tribes  but  they  have 
a  system  of  beys,  or  chiefs,  to  whom  they  turn  for 
guidance  in  all  matters  of  importance.  The  Ghegs  are 
made  up  of  a  number  of  warlike  tribes  who  inhabit 
Northern  Albania.  To  a  great  extent  these  people 
still  live  a  feudal  life,  and  are  governed  by  unwritten 
laws.  The  home  of  the  Northern  Albanian,  patriarchal 
in  its  simplicity,  is  ruled  by  its  oldest  inhabitant.  Such 
is  the  spirit  of  the  people  that  two  or  three  generations 
will  often  live  together  in  one  large  kuleh,  or  fortified 
house.  In  the  past,  throughout  this  district,  not  only 
have  the  local  chiefs  had  a  military  organisation  of  their 
own,  but  disputes  and  quarrels  have  been  decided  by 
the  tribal  authorities. 

The  Moslem  Albanians  are  not  fanatical,  and  there- 
fore the  question  of  religion  in  Albania  is  of  but  little 
importance  compared  with  the  role  which  it  plays  in 
other  parts  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  The  gallant  Amaut 
to-day  is  an  Albanian  before  he  is  either  a  Mohammedan 
or  a  Christian.     Owing  to  the  attitude  of  the   Greek 


90  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

and  Latin  Churches,  who  refused  to  preach  the  gospel 
in  the  language  understood  by  the  people,  when  the 
Turks  conquered  Albania  the  people  were  Christians 
in  little  but  name.  At  the  present  time  about  two- 
thirds  of  the  Albanians  of  Turkey  have  embraced  Islam, 
rather  from  secular  than  from  spiritual  reasons.  Of 
the  remaining  one -third  the  Christians  of  the  south 
belong  to  the  Orthodox  Church,  whilst  those  of  the 
north  are   believers   in  Roman  Catholicism. 

In  the  north  there  are  districts  where  the  people  are 
entirely  Christian,  as  in  the  territory  of  the  Mirdites, 
and  others  where  the  population  is  exclusively  Moslem, 
as  in  Mott  ;  but  the  greater  part  of  the  country  is 
inhabited  by  a  population  some  members  of  which  are 
Moslems  and  some  of  which  profess  Christianity. 
Although  the  Albanians  do  not  usually  quarrel  over 
religion,  yet  the  Moslems  and  the  Christians  of  the 
south  are  much  more  united  than  are  the  **  True 
Believers  "  and  the  Roman  Catholics  of  the  north, 
amongst  whom  the  Catholic  clergy,  especially  of  late, 
have  worked  hard  to  stir  up  religious  hatred  for  political 
purposes.  An  incident  which  recently  occurred  in  the 
Kossovo  vilayet  shows  clearly  the  attitude  of  the 
Catholic  clergy.  A  musical  entertainment  was  being 
arranged  for  the  amusement  of  a  mixed  Moslem  and 
Christian  audience.  Prior  to  the  day  on  which  this 
function  was  to  take  place  the  bishop  intervened,  with 
the  object  of  making  it  a  religious  and  not  a  secular 
affair.  It  is  said  that  this  dignitary  gave  money  and 
offered  the  use  of  his  church  on  condition  that  no 
Moslems  were  invited  to  the  entertainment.  Such  a 
course  must  have  been  purely  political,  as  from  a 
religious  point  of  view  a  bishop  should  surely  have 
been  only  too  glad  to  welcome  Moslems  as  well  as 
Christians., 

Although  under  the  Old  Regime  every  endeavour  was 
made  to  hinder  the  Albanian  nationalist  movement,  yet 
it  is  certain  that  during  the  reign  of  the  ex -Sultan  Abdul 


THE   ALBANIAN   QUESTION  91 

Hamid  the  Albanians  were  treated  with  the  utmost 
deference,  and  further  that  his  Majesty  did  everything 
in  his  power  to  make  certain  of  their  support  in  time 
of  need.  The  Albanian  Imperial  Guard,  recruited  from 
the  south,  was  always  well  and  regularly  paid,  and 
these  soldiers  were  allowed  to  return  to  their  villages 
as  soon  as  their  time  had  expired,  instead  of  being 
retained  with  the  colours  for  months  or  years  in  excess 
of  their  proper  period  of  service.  During  the  days  of 
the  Old  Regime,  too,  the  Albanians,  especially  the  tribes 
of  the  north,  were  permitted  to  manage  their  own 
internal  affairs,  practically  without  the  interference  of 
the  Constantinople  Government.  It  was  only  when  the 
north-eastern  Ghegs — always  actuated  by  feelings  of  an- 
tagonism towards  their  Slav  brothers — seemed  inclined 
to  jeopardise  the  policy  of  their  spiritual  and  temporal 
master  at  Constantinople,  that  troops  were  dispatched 
to  Albania  to  quiet  the  coimtry,  either  by  bombarding 
the  malefactors  with  shell  or  by  bribing  their  leaders 
with  decorations  or  with  money. 

The  Albanians,  unlike  the  other  alien  races  which 
so  largely  make  up  the  population  of  the  European 
Provinces  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  are  neither  formed 
into  a  "  community  "  nor  are  they  secretly  backed  up 
by  the  support  of  any  neighbouring  State.  Not  only 
are  the  gallant  Arnauts  unsupported  by  any  intrigue 
adroitly  hatched  in  neighbouring  capitals,  but  they  and 
the  territory  in  which  they  live  are  the  object  of  the 
aspirations  of  five  distinct  nationalities.  Austria,  Italy, 
Bulgaria,  Servia,  and  Greece  are  each  endeavouring  to 
increase  their  respective  interests  in  more  or  less 
different  districts  of  the  inaccessible  country  which 
skirts  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Adriatic. 

The  strong  Catholic  propaganda  which  has  been 
championed  by  Austria  during  the  past  fifty  years  and 
more,  especially  for  the  last  three  decades,  has  not 
only  done  much  to  produce  religious  hatred,  but  has 


92  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

undoubtedly  proved  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  forma- 
tion of  a  strong  Albania.  The  agents  of  Austria  have 
worked  and  are  working  hard,  nominally  in  support 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion.  The  village  priest- 
hood, which  is  largely  composed  of  Franciscans,  most 
of  whom  have  studied  first  in  Scutari  and  then  in 
Austria,  is  utilised  to  spread  ill-feeling  between  Moslems 
and  Christians,  and  naturally  works  hard  to  prevent 
mixed  marriages.  A  Roman  Catholic  bishop,  supported 
by  Austrian  funds,  has  recently  been  promoted  from 
the  position  of  a  village  priest  and  appointed  to  the 
see  of  Pulati  in  the  mountains. 

The  Austrian  propaganda  in  Northern  Albania  has  also 
been  greatly  furthered  by  the  establishment  of  schools. 
In  the  past  the  education  of  the  Christians  in  this  part 
of  the  country  has  been  carried  out  almost  entirely 
under  the  auspices  of  Austria  or  Italy.  Soon  after  the 
arrival  of  the  Jesuits  in  Scutari,  about  the  middle  of 
the  last  century,  the  first  Austrian-supported  school 
was  opened  in  that  town.  About  the  same  time  Austria 
was  recognised  as  the  protector  of  the  Roman  Catholics 
in  Albania.  At  first  instruction  was  only  supposed  to  be 
given  in  religious  subjects,  but  later  on  the  education 
provided  became  more  general.  Besides  this  school, 
which  is  still  in  existence,  the  Franciscans  have  recently 
started  a  school  for  mountain  boys,  most  of  whom 
are  sons  of  men  of  the  Mirdite  tribe.  The  same  Order 
provides  an  educational  establishment  for  orphan  boys 
and  a  girls*  school  controlled  by  Franciscan  sisters.  In 
addition  an  infant  school  has  also  recently  been  founded 
in  Scutari.  The  education  in  all  these  Austrian- 
supported  schools  is  old-fashioned.  Only  bookwork 
is  taught,  and  no  instruction  is  carried  out  in  practical 
subjects.  Thus  a  boy  leaves  school  only  fitted  for 
office  work,  while  a  girl,  instead  of  being  able  to  make 
useful  garments,  can  only  do  useless  embroideries  of 
European  pattern. 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  »S 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Italian  propaganda, 
which  was  first  inaugurated  in  Albania  a  few  years 
ago,  is  of  considerably  less  importance  than  the  work 
which  has  been  so  systematically  carried  out  by  Austria, 
yet  undoubtedly  it  cannot  be  ignored.  In  Scutari — 
the  centre  of  intrigue  and  corruption,  where  everybody  is 
more  or  less  in  the  hands  of  either  Austria  or  Italy,  the 
Italians  have  not  only  inaugurated  a  home  for  the  aged, 
but  they  have  opened  three  schools  which  respectively 
provide  education  for  boys,  girls,  and  orphans.  In 
addition  to  those  at  Scutari,  the  Italians  possess  schools 
at  Avlona  and  at  Yanina. 

Although  in  the  past  the  Dual  Monarchy  has  had 
the  upper  hand  in  Albania,  largely  because  the  priests 
are  Austrian  trained,  and  for  the  most  part  Austrian 
paid,  of  late  Italian  influence  has  been  on  the  increase. 
This  increase  of  influence  is  at  least  in  part  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  Italians  have  always  gone  in  for  secular 
as  well  as  religious  teaching  in  their  schools,  which  are, 
therefore,  attended  by  Moslem  as  well  as  by  Christian 
pupils.  Not  only  are  all  the  instructors  except  those 
in  religious  subjects  laymen,  but  the  Italians  are  teach- 
ing the  Albanian  boys  carpentering,  besides  other  trades . 
The  girls,  too,  who  are  educated  by  Italy  learn  the  use 
of  the  sewing-machine,  besides  being  taught  how  to 
cut  out  and  make  clothing.  Moreover,  the  Jesuits, 
whom  the  people  feel  so  largely  voice  Christian  claims 
and  represent  Austrian  interests  in  Northern  Albania, 
have  of  late  become  unpopular  amongst  the  inhabitants. 
The  men  of  this  Order,  who  are  comparatively  rich 
and  who  own  large  quantities  of  land,  carry  on  various 
trades — printing,  tailoring,  bookbinding — at  prices  which 
hopelessly  undersell  the  townspeople. 

The  Slav  propaganda  is  championed  by  the  Servians 
and  the  Bulgarians,  each  of  whom  separately  claim 
certain  districts  said  by  the  Arnauts  to  be  Albanian. 
Although  the  Servian  propaganda  lacks  the  funds  of  that 


94  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

of  the  Greeks,  and  is  not  carried  on  with  the  energy 
which  is  displayed  by  the  Bulgarians,  yet  for  some  years 
the  Albanians  and  the  Servians  in  the  north  of  the 
Kossovo  vilayet  have  lived  together  in  a  continual  state 
of  feud.  So  strong  has  been  the  strife  between  the 
two  races  that  many  of  the  Servians  of  Old  Servia 
have  been  forced  to  emigrate  to  Servia,  whilst  some 
of  the  Albanians  formerly  domiciled  in  the  districts 
ceded  to  Servia  by  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  have  been 
obliged  to  retreat  thence  to  the  vilayet  of  Kossovo.  The 
Bulgarian  propaganda — voiced  and  backed  up  by 
schools  and  churches — extends  practically,  if  not 
absolutely,  as  far  south-west  as  Korcha. 

The  Greek  propaganda — perhaps  resented  by  the 
Albanians  more  than  any  of  the  alien  influences  en- 
deavouring to  increase  its  power  in  what  they  consider 
to  be  their  country — extends  along  the  western  side  of 
Albania  as  far  north  as  the  town  of  Elbasan.  The 
object  of  the  Patriarchate,  which,  of  course,  has 
established  schools  and  opened  churches  under  its 
ancient  privileges,  appears  to  be  to  **  Hellenise  "  the 
Albanians  rather  than  to  make  them  good  members 
of  the  Orthodox  Church.  Many  of  the  Orthodox 
Albanians  are  straining  every  nerve  to  resist  this  aggres- 
sion, and  are  at  the  same  time  endeavouring  to  obtain 
concessions  from  the  Patriarch.  So  strong  is  the  feeling 
of  these  people  that  since  the  granting  of  the  Constitu- 
tion a  Society  known  by  the  name  of  the  Orthodox 
League  has  been  formed  at  Korcha.  Although  this 
Society,  which  has  branches  at  Elbasan  and  at  Bucha- 
rest, has  been  inaugurated  with  the  object  of  resisting 
the  aggressions  of  the  Greek  Church,  yet  for  the 
moment,  at  any  rate,  it  has  not,  as  part  of  its  pro- 
gramme, the  formation  of  an  independent  Church.  At 
present  the  principal  object  of  the  Orthodox  League 
is  to  oblige  the  Patriarch  to  allow  at  least  part  of  the 
Liturgy  of  the  Orthodox  Church  to  be  read  in  Albanian, 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  95 

and  to  press  for  the  use  of  the  Albanian  language  in 
the  Orthodox  schools.  If  these  concessions  are  not 
granted,  and  the  League  is  able  to  maintain  its  exist- 
ence, there  seems  reason  to  suppose  that  the  250,000 
Orthodox  Albanians,  the  majority  of  whom  are  at 
present  much  opposed  to  the  formation  of  an  inde- 
pendent Church,  may  insist  on  inviting  an  Albanian 
priest,  who  was  ordained  under  Russian  auspices  and 
who  is  at  present  in  America,  to  become  the  head  of 
what  would  probably  eventually  develop  into  a  schis- 
matic  Church  in  Southern  Albania. 

In  order  to  discover  the  causes  of  the  unrest  which 
have  existed  in  Albania  since  1908,  it  is  necessary 
to  look  back  to  some  events  which  actually  preceded 
the  granting  of  the  Constitution.  Prior  to  July,  1908, 
confusion  reigned  supreme  in  Albania.  Whilst  the 
Austrians,  Italians,  Greeks,  and  Bulgarians  were  all 
working  hard  to  further  their  own  interests,  an  Albanian 
national  movement  had  been  set  on  foot.  During  the 
early  months  of  1908,  too,  the  Young  Turks  were 
secretly  preaching  in  favour  of  the  Constitution  in 
Albania — a  district  which  had  always  been  governed 
by  the  worst  class  of  Turkish  officials.  The  European 
Powers  were  at  the  same  time  agitating  for  the  intro- 
duction of  a  real  system  of  reform  in  Macedonia. 

For  the  moment,  at  least,  a  common  sentiment  united 
the  Albanians  and  the  Young  Turks — the  horror  of 
reforms  directed  by  foreign  agents  and  introduced  at 
the  instigation  of  the  European  Powers.  It  is  now 
well  known  that  it  was  the  meeting  of  the  Tsar  of 
Russia  with  the  late  King  Edward  at  Reval,  on  June  9th, 
that  decided  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress — 
then  still  a  secret  organisation — to  take  immediate 
action.  During  the  month  of  July,  too,  a  great  gather- 
ing of  some  five  or  six  thousand  Albanians  took  place 
at  Ferisovitch.  This  meeting  was  largely  held  at  the 
instigation  of  Shemshi   Pasha— a  faithful  supporter  of 


96  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Abdul  Hamid,  who  was  subsequently  murdered  at 
Monastir  while  trying  to  quash  the  "  Young  Turkey  " 
revolution.  These  Albanians,  who  appear  to  have 
assembled  mostly  with  the  object  of  demonstrating 
against  the  introduction  of  reforms  in  Turkey  under 
the  auspices  of  Europe,  telegraphed  to  Uskub  to  invite 
the  members  of  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress 
to  come  out  and  discuss  some  questions  of  local  interest 
with  them.  About  forty  of  these  men  went  by  train 
to  Ferisovitch,  and  persuaded  the  Albanians  to  devote 
their  attention  to  demanding  a  Constitution — the  mean- 
ing of  which  they  did  not  understand.  As  a  result  of  the 
representations  made  by  the  Young  Turks,  the  Albanians 
either  telegraphed  to  the  ex-Sultan  demanding  a  Con- 
stitution or  else  they  addressed  a  telegram  to  his  ex- 
Majesty  on  the  subject  of  reforms,  which  was  altered 
by  the  Young  Turks  from  Uskub  into  a  demand  for 
the  Constitution.  With  whatever  object  the  famous 
telegram  was  actually  dispatched  by  the  Albanians 
themselves,  it  was  the  arrival  of  this  message  from 
Ferisovitch  which  finally  showed  Abdul  Hamid  that 
the  Constitution  must  be  granted. 

After  the  establishment  of  the  Constitution,  which 
was  neither  understood  nor  really  accepted  by  the 
Albanians,  and  especially  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Ipek-Gusinge-Plava  district,  the  people  awaited  de- 
velopments in  a  state  of  expectancy.  The  news  of  the 
advent  of  the  New  Regime  was  received  with  enthusiasm 
in  Scutari,  where  joyful  celebrations  lasted  for  three 
weeks.  The  Moslems  of  the  north  appear  to  have 
believed  that  constitutional  rule  meant  government  by 
the  Sheri  law,  the  abrogation  of  all  taxes  and  the 
defeat  of  the  Reval  programme.  As  a  result,  whilst 
the  Young  Turks  were  talking  of  equality,  fraternity, 
and  liberty  at  Salonika,  Constantinople,  and  other  im- 
portant centres,  Albanian  gatherings  were  taking  place 
at  Elbasan  and  Tirana,  besides  other  places  in  Albania, 


•-) '    j2> 


O    M 

w    "So 


O 

o      «    - 

fl  o 

^^ 


^3 


c.  ,   c       <     '  c    c  c     to< 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  87 

with  the  dual  object  of  proclaiming  that  Albanian  w^ 
the  official  language  of  Albania,  and  of  insisting  that 
Albanian  books  should  be  distributed  and  that  Albanian 
schools  should  be  opened  in  the  country. 

In  November,  1908,  the  Albanian  leaders  at  Con- 
stantinople, largely  at  the  instigation  of  the  Young 
Turks,  addressed  an  appeal  to  their  compatriots  in 
Albania,  asking  them  to  re-form  the  Albanian  League 
of  1879.  A  certain  number  of  Moslem  Albanians 
joined  the  League,  which  was  inaugurated  to  guard 
against  Turkey  being  the  loser  owing  to  the  annexation 
of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  by  the  Dual  Monarchy. 
The  Government,  too,  when  war  between  Turkey  and 
Austria  or  between  Turkey  and  Bulgaria,  or  perhaps 
both,  seemed  possible,  sent  some  40,000  rifles  into 
Albania,  which  were  distributed  amongst  the;  people. 
For  the  moment,  therefore,  in  face  of  the  common 
danger  of  Austrian  aggression  and  of  Bulgarian  ex- 
pansion the  Albanians  and  the  Serbs  lived  together  on 
friendlier  relations  than  they  had  done  for  years. 

Although  at  the  time  of  the  so-called  counter-revolu- 
tion in  Constantinople  in  April,  1909,  the  Moslem 
khojas  endeavoured  to  arouse  the  feelings  of  the  men 
of  Scutari — always  the  most  fanatical  people  in  Albania 
— against  the  Young  Turks,  the  Albanian  mountaineers 
remained  unmoved.  The  men  were  indifferent  to  every- 
thing which  did  not  affect  their  customs  or  infringe 
their  privileges.  In  spite  of  this,  the  execution  of 
certain  Albanians  said  to  have  been  mixed  up  in  this 
counter-revolution,  and  the  deposition  of  the  ex-Sultaii 
did  undoubtedly  create  ill-feeling  against  the  Govern- 
ment in  Albania,  and  especially  amongst  the  population 
of  Scutari  and  the  surrounding  district.  In  June,  Bedri 
Pasha,  the  then  Vali  of  Scutari,  announced  that  he  was 
going  to  proceed  with  the  census .  Notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  the  Christians  remained  quiet,  the  Moslems 
at  once  understood  that  the  successful  introduction  of 

7 


98  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

such  a  measure  would  mean  the  imposition  of  new 
taxes,  liabihty  to  conscription,  and  the  abolition  of  their 
privileges — ^almost  amounting  to  self-government — with 
which  they  had  been  endowed  under  the  Old  Regime. 

After  the  establishment  of  the  Constitution,  Djavid 
Pasha  was  made  Commandant  of  the  Military  Division 
which  has  its  headquarters  at  Mitrovitza.  As  this 
Pasha  had  been  Governor  of  the  district  of  Ipek  but 
three  years  previously,  and  had  then  been  forced  to  fly 
the  country  in  order  to  save  his  life,  it  is  natural  that 
he  was  not  a  popular  person  to  send  to  command  the 
troops  in  an  important  district  of  Albania,  and  further 
it  is  not  surprising  that  his  presence  amongst  them  was 
so  largely  responsible  for  stirring  up  the  feelings  of  the 
people  of  Northern  Albania  against  the  new  Govern- 
ment. One  of  the  first  acts  of  this  official  was  to  make 
a  demonstration  in  force  against  the  villages  situated 
in  the  mountains  to  the  north  of  Mitrovitza.  The 
principal  object  of  this  expedition,  which  was  carried 
out  in  November,  1908,  was  to  capture  Isa  Boletin — 
an  important  Albanian  chief — who  had  been  present 
at  the  gathering  at  Ferisovitch,  but  who  had  then 
opposed  the  attitude  of  the  Young  Turks  towards  the 
Albanians.  In  spite  of  the  assertions  made  at  the  time 
that  Isa  Boletin  was  then  captured  by  the  Turks,  there 
seems  reason  to  believe  that  whilst  the  house  and  farm 
of  this  chief  at  the  village  of  Boletini  were  burnt  by  the 
Young  Turks,  the  owner  himself  only  took  refuge  in 
the  mountains.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Isa  Boletin  not 
only  played  a  prominent  part  in  resisting  the  operations 
which  took  place  against  the  Lyuma  district  in  1909, 
but  was  also  responsible  for  a  large  amount  of  the 
fighting  in  the  Kossovo  vilayet  in   19 10. 

In  the  early  spring  of  1909  matters  once  more 
became  unsettled.  Isa  Boletin  had  worked  hard  during 
the  winter  in  order  to  collect  a  force  of  Albanians  at 
the  head  of  whom  to  march  upon  Mitrovitza.    In  March, 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  99 

Djavid  Pasha,  by  advancing  against  the  villages  where 
Isa  Boletin  was  endeavouring  to  organise  his  expedi- 
tion and  by  burning  a  large  number  of  villages  and 
houses,  prevented  the  success  of  this  movement.  In 
a  third  campaign,  which  took  place  during  the  summer 
and  autumn  of  1909,  Djavid  Pasha,  who  was  then 
endowed  with  full  powers  by  the  Turkish  Government, 
attempted  finally  to  subdue  the  Albanians  of  the 
Kossovo  vilayet.  As  a  protest  against  some  of  the 
innovations  which  this  general  tried  to  impose  upon 
the  people,  and  particularly  as  a  demonstration  against 
the  levying  of  a  super-tax  for  educational  and  military 
purposes,  a  large  body  of  Albanians  collected  at 
Ferisovitch.  This  gathering  was  dispersed  by  the  fire 
of  Turkish  artillery.  Desultory  skirmishes  then  took 
place  between  the  Ottoman  troops  and  the  Albanians, 
until,  at  tlie  beginning  of  September,  Djavid  Pasha 
set  out  at  the  head  of  a  large  force  to  subdue  Lyuma — 
a  village  situated  about  forty  miles  to  the  west  of 
Uskub.  After  the  village  of  Lyuma  had  been  captured, 
fighting  took  place  between  the  Turkish  troops  and 
the  Albanians  in  the  surrounding  district.  Subsequently 
the  Turkish  authorities  confidently  stated  that  the 
Albanian  revolution  had  been  permanently  suppressed. 
I  was  myself  the  recipient  of  these  assurances  from 
officials  of  the  highest  rank  during  my  visit  to  Uskub. 
At  the  end  of  September  Djavid  Pasha,  on  the  pretext 
of  the  approaching  winter  season,  retreated  at  the  head 
of  his  army  to  Mitrovitza. 

During  the  summer  of  1909  two  important  Albanian 
Congresses  were  held,  the  one  at  Elbasan  and  the  other 
at  Dibra.  Whilst  the  meeting  at  Elbasan,  with  which 
I  shall  deal  elsewhere,  was  assembled  in  order  to  enable 
the  Albanians  to  discuss  literary  and  educational  ques- 
tions, the  Congress  of  Dibra,  which  took  place  during 
July,  was  intended  by  the  members  of  the  Albanian 
Committees  to  afford  their  countrymen  the  opportunity 


100  THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

of  debating  upon  political  matters  of  importance  from 
an  Albanian  point  of  view.  This  Congress  is  not  only 
of  importance  owing  to  some  of  the  decisions  (which 
it  adopted — decisions  which  undoubtedly  prove  that  the 
Albanians  cannot  be  easily  crushed,  but  also  because 
of  the  manner  in  which  it  was  treated  by  the  Young 
Turks.  When  the  Young  Turks  heard  that  this  Con- 
gress was  proposed,  they  decided  to  utilise  the  mfeeting 
to  their  own  advantage.  With  this  object  in  view,  all 
the  communities  of  Macedonia  were  invited  to  send 
representatives  to  the  Congress  at  Dibra.  The  Young 
Turks  themselves  not  only  secured  the  nomination  of  a 
certain  number  of  representatives  under  the  leadership 
of  Niazi  Bey — the  hero  of  Resna— but  they  also  prepared 
a  list  of  resolutions  which  they  intended  should  be 
adopted   by   the   meeting   without   discussion. 

When  the  delegates  arrived  at  Dibra,  as  it  was  found 
that  their  number  was  far  too  large  to  discuss  the 
programme  which  the  Young  Turks  had  drawn  up,  it 
was  agreed  that  eight  representatives  were  to  be  nomi- 
nated as  members  of  an  inner  committee,  to  voice  the 
interests  of  each  of  the  five  Turkish  vilayets  which 
had  sent  deputies  to  the  Congress.  These  forty 
delegates  first  adopted  the  report  which  had  been  pre- 
pared by  the  Young  Turks — a.  report  which  was,  of 
course,  entirely  favourable  to  the  conduct  of  these 
patriots,  and  subsequently  added  extra  clauses  to  the 
programme  which  clearly  demonstrate  the  feelings  of 
the  Albanians  themselves.  Included  amongst  the  reso- 
lutions thus  adopted  by  the  Congress  were  demands  for 
justice  in  the  law-courts  and  for  the  establishments  of 
proper  schools  in  Albania.  The  delegates,  too,  re- 
quested that  more  power  should  be  given  to  the 
Councils-General  of  each  vilayet  and  that  the  amount 
of  annual  tithe  levied  by  the  Government  should  be 
fixed  upon  the  average  am'ount  of  tithe  paid  during 
the  last  five  years,  instead  of  being  assessed  annually. 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  101 

as  it  had  been  in  the  past.  Emjphasis  was  also  laid 
upon  the  importance  of  building  roads  in  Albania  and 
of  finally  deciding  the  Turko -Montenegrin  frontier.  As 
a  result  of  this  Congress,  owing  to  the  fact  that  as 
far  as  possible  only  the  clauses  of  the  report  favourable 
to  the  Young  Turks  were  published,  quite  a  false  im- 
pression of  the  attitude  of  the  Albanians  towards  the 
New  Regime  was  made  known  to  the  world. 

Before  briefly  describing  what  took  place  in  the 
vilayets  of  Kossovo  and  of  Scutari  during  the  spring 
and  summer  of  1910,  I  will  shortly  enumerate  the 
principal  reasons  which  were  responsible  for  the  state 
of  unrest  in  Northern  Albania  in  1909,  and  which 
necessitated  the  above-mentioned  indecisive  expedition 
of  Djavid  Pasha.  To  the  same  causes  may  largely  be 
ascribed,  not  only  the  Arnaut  rebellion  of  1 9 1  o,  but  also 
the  ill-feeling  against  the  Government  which  at  present 
exists  among  the  Gheg  population  of  Northern  Albania. 

The  Turks  are  not  only  attempting  to  insist  upon  the 
payment  of  taxes,  but  are  endeavouring  to  collect  the 
arrears  of  taxation.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the 
Ottoman  authorities  are  certainly  reasonable  in  enforc- 
ing the  collection  of  revenue  throughout  the  country, 
it  is  not  unnatural  that  the  Albanians,  to  many  of  whom 
the  enforced  payment  of  taxes  means  the  loss  of  one 
of  their  ancient  privileges,  should  expect  some  return  for 
the  money  obtained  from  them.  At  present  not  a 
farthing  has  been  devoted  to  the  construction  of  Public 
Works  in  Albania.  For  example,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Scutari,  the  Young  Turks  have  constructed  a  road 
(horse-track)  to  the  summit  of  a  neighbouring  hill, 
where  it  was  proposed  to  build  a  fortress  to  guard 
against  any  attack  from  the  direction  of  Montenegro. 
Subsequently,  as  a  result  of  an  arrangement  between 
the  Turks  and  the  Montenegrins  concerning  the  frontier 
fortresses,  the  construction  of  the  fort  has  been  aban- 
doned,  and  a   road   which  leads   nowhere   is   the  only 


102  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

thing  in  the  nature  of  Public  Works  which  Scutari  has 
obtained  from  the  New  Regime. 

The  attitude  of  the  Albanians  towards  the  manner 
in  which  the  Young  Turks  are  spending  the  money 
which  they  have  collected,  is  well  expressed  in  some 
remarks  made  by  an  Albanian  to  a  friend  of  mine  after 
a  review  held  at  Scutari  to  commemorate  the  first 
anniversary  of  the  accession  of  the  new  Sultan.  The 
Albanian,  referring  to  the  soldiers,  said:  **  Look  at 
them,  the  devils  I  that  is  where  the  money  goes. 
They  feed  and  clothe  themselves:  what  have  they  done 
for  Scutari?  Made  an  officers*  club:  nothing  for  the 
land  whatever.  We  used  to  be  robbed  by  one  big  thief, 
now  there  are  a  lot  of  little  ones  who  are  worse."  I 
quote  the  above  remarks,  not  as  the  expression  of  my 
own  views  about  the  Young  Turks,  but  in  order  to 
show  the  regard  in  which  the  reformers  of  the  Empire 
are  held  by  the  people  of  Scutari — probably  the  least 
disloyal  town  in  Albania:. 

Another  cause  of  discontent  amongst  the  Albanians 
is  that  the  Government  has  ordered  a  census  to  be  ;made. 
This  order  is  being  carried  out  piecemieal  as  each  new 
district  is  subdued.  The  Albanians,  who  perhaps 
respect  their  women  even  more  than  most  other 
Moslems,  strongly  resent  being  obliged  to  disclose  the 
names  of  their  wives,  daughters,  and  sisters.  In  addi- 
tion, the  warlike  Arnauts  fully  realise  that  when  lai 
correct  census  has  once  been  obtained,  the  Turkish 
Government  will  be  enabled,  not  only  to  gauge  correctly 
the  fighting  strength  of  the  tribesmen,  but  also  to 
summon  the  Albanian  youths  for  conscription.  The 
Northern  Albanians,  so  many  of  whom,  as  I  have 
already  said,  have  in  the  past  been  almost  entirely 
independent  of  the  Sublime  Porte — hold  that  conscrip- 
tion is  contrary  to  the  arrangement  made  between  them 
and  the  old  Government,  and  they  state  that  they  have 
never  accepted  the  new  administration  of  public  aftairs. 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  103 

In  spite,  however,  of  the  deep-nooted  Albanian  objec- 
tion to  service  in  the  Turkish  Army,  this  feeling  could 
be  overcome  if  the  people  understood  that  their  military 
obligations  were  to  be  performed  locally,  and  that  a 
conscript  recruited,  for  instance,  in  Scutari  would  not 
be  sent  to  perform  a  large  amount  of  his  military, 
service  in  the  Yemen.  I  have  on  many  occasions  been 
personally  informed  by  Albanians  that  they  are  ready 
to  enter  an  army  destined  to  fight  the  Greeks,  Bul- 
garians, Servians,  and  Montenegrins,  because  this  is  to 
protect  their  own  country,  but  that  they  are  not  willing 
to  defend  the  Asiatic  Provinces  of  the  Sultan,  which  the 
Albanians  hold  are  no  concern  of  theirs. 

The  fact  that  the  Turkish  Government  is  attempting  to 
insist  on  the  destruction  of  all  kulehs,  or  fortified  houses, 
and  that  the  Ottoman  authorities  are  trying  to  enforce 
the  surrender  of  arms  in  Albania,  are  matters  which 
are  causing  great  discontent,  especially  amongst  the 
Moslems  of  the  north.  The  Albanian  has  been  accus- 
tomed to  live  in  a  defensible  house,  and  has  always 
possessed  his  rifle,  which  he  strongly  objects  to  giving 
up,  especially  until  he  is  secure  against  the  robbery  or 
raids  made  ^.cross  the  border  by  the  inhabitants  of 
neighbouring  States.  The  question  of  disarming  certain 
of  the  Christian  tribes  even  in  principle  is  a  difiicult 
one,  as  they  hold  all  the  country  bordering  upon  the 
Montenegrin  frontier— a  line  which  for  years  has  always 
been  so  ill-defined.  If  these  border  tribes  be  disarmed, 
there  will  be  nothing  to  prevent  the  warlike  Montene- 
grins from  raiding  Turkish  territory,  whilst  if,  on  the 
other  hand,  they  be  allowed  to  retain  their  arms,  all 
the  other  tribes  will  naturally  expect  similar  treatment. 
If,  too,  these  tribesmen  are  allowed  to  remain  armed, 
it  will  raise  the  question  amongst  the  "  Faithful  "  as 
to  whether  Moslems  should  be  disarmed  whilst  Chris- 
tians are  allowed  to  keep  their  weapons.  The  diffi- 
culty of  the   situation  has  not   been   lessened  by   the 


104    THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

distribution  of  the  40,000  rifles  which,  as  I  have  already 
said,  were  sent  fronl  Constantinople  to  Albania  during 
the  winter  of  1908-9. 

The  above -ni:entioned  causes,  and  the  manner  in 
which  the  expeditions  of  Djavid  Pasha  are  said  to 
have  been  carried  out  in  1909,  left  embers  of  discontent 
which  only  required  a  spark  to  rekindle  the  spirit  of 
rebellion  amongst  the  Northern  Albanians.  That  spark 
was  furnished  early  in  April,  1910,  by  Mazhar  Bey, 
the  Vali  of  Uskub — himself  an  energetic  member  of 
the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  who,  after 
obtaining  the  consent  of  the  Central  Government,  im- 
posed an  **  Octroi,"  which,  of  course,  affected  the 
country  people  who  brought  goods  to  market.  These 
people  not  unnaturally  resented  the  burden  of  any  extra 
taxes,  especially  aCs  the  proceeds  of  the  *'  Octroi  "  thus 
enforced  by  Mazhar  Bey  were  destined  to  be  devoted 
to  the  im'provement  of  the  towns,  about  the  condition 
of  which  the  Albanians  cared  less  than  nothing. 

I  will  not  burden  my  readers  with  the  details  of  the 
operations  and  the  names  of  all  the  villages  and  districts 
which  were  visited  by  the  Turkish  troops  during  their 
advance  upon  Scutari  across  Northern  Albania.  Suffi- 
cient is  it  to  give  the  briefest  outline  of  the  operations 
during  which  a  large  portion  of  Northern  Albania  was 
at  least  tempora;rily  subdued  by  a  number  of  mobile 
columns  moving  in  all  directions.  The  insurrectionary 
movement  began  early  in  April,  at  Prishtina,  where 
the  Albanians  to  the  number  of  several  thousand 
attacked  the  Turkish  g'arrison  and  captured  two  guns, 
one  of  which  was  subsequently  returned.  In  the  middle 
of  April,  Shevket  Tourgout  Pasha  arrived  at  Ferisovitch 
to  take  over  the  command  of  sL  mixed  force  at  that  time 
amounting  to  17,000  men,  but  subsequently  increased  by 
various  reinforcements.  Half  this  army  for  the  moment 
remained  at  Ferisovitch,  whilst  the  other  half  occupied 
Prishtina,  and  subdued  the  surrounding  district. 


PEASANTS   OF   NORTHERN   ALBANIA. 


To  face  p.  104. 


THE   ALBANIAN   QUESTION  105 

A  small  force  which  was  sent  from  Ferisovitch  to 
Prizren  immediately  after  the  arrival  of  Shevket 
Tourgout  Pasha  was  unexpectedly  attacked  near  the 
Tchemalova  Pass,  and  had  to  be  extricated  from  its 
difficulties  by  reinforcements  sent  from  headquarters. 
During  the  time  that  had  necessarily  to  elapse  before 
a  strong  force  could  be  sent  to  capture  Prizren  the 
Albanians  occupied  the  Katchanik  Pass,  through  which 
the  railway  runs  from'  Uskub  to  Ferisovitch.  This  un- 
expected movement  on  the  part  of  the  Albanians  of  the 
Morava  district  compelled  the  Turks  to  lose  time  in 
order  to  reopen  their  line  of  communications  and  to 
make  it  possible  for  reinforcements  to  be  sent  up  from 
Salonika  into  Albania. 

After  the  Katchanik  Pass  had  been  cleared  of  rebels, 
the  first  objective  of  the  Turkish  Commande;r-in-Chief 
was  to  force  his  way  to  Prizren,  which  was  finally 
occupied  by  Turkish  troops  who  had  advanced  in  three 
parallel  columlis  about  the  middle  of  May.  Although 
the  towns  of  Djakova  and  Ipek  were  entered  without 
resistance,  the  opposition  that  was  offered  to  the 
Ottoman  advance,  and  which  met  the  various  mobile 
columns  which  were  sent  from  headquarters  to  estab- 
lish order  in  Northern  Albania,  can  easily  be  understood 
from  the  fact  that  under  ordinary  circumstances  it  is  but 
four  or  five  days'  journey  from  Uskub  to  Scutari,  whilst 
the  Turkish  Army,  although  it  followed  the  Prizren 
trade  route,  took  nearly  four  months  to  get  through. 
Moreover,  in  addition  to  the  fact  that  the  Ottoman 
advance  was  made  by  way  of  Puka,  where  there  was 
always  a  small  Turkish  outpost,  the  army  did  not 
operate  against  the  Mati  tribe  nor  enter  the  Malizi  and 
Luria  districts.  The  territory  of  the  Mirdites — an 
important  Christian  tribe  which  had  not  revolted — was 
passed  through  without  any  fighting,  but  obstacles  were 
placed  in  the  way  of  the  advance  of  the  troops  by  the 
men  of  Shala  (a  warlike  tribe),  who  cut  down  timber 
in  order  to  barricade  the  narrow  passes. 


106  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

On  July   24th  the  first   detachment  of  the  Turkish 
Army  reached  Scutari.     As  soon  as  the  troops  arrived 
the  cavalry  charged  the  populace.    Although  the  towns- 
people offered  no  resistance,  and  although  not  a  shot 
was  fired,  the  troops  proceeded  to  snatch  the  revolvers 
even  from  the  belts  of  the  men  who  carried  them.     Not 
only  were  ordinary  people  divested  of  their  weapons,  but 
so  little  did  the  military  commanders  know  about  the 
town    that    they    forcibly    disarmed    the    Sergherd6 — a. 
Moslem  official,  appointed  by  the  Turkish  Government, 
who  is  president  of  a  mixed  council  which  represents 
in  Scutari  the  interests  of  the  tribes  which  live  in  the 
district  to  the  north-east  of  that  town.    After  the  arrival 
at    Scutari,    on    July    25  th,   of   three   mbre    battalions, 
orders  were  issued  that  all  arms  were  to  be  given  up 
at  once,  and  a  state  of  siege  was  proclaimed — a  declara- 
tion which  meant  that  nobody  was  henceforth  allowed 
to  go   beyond   his   house  after  sunset.      The   Moslem' 
inhabitants  of  Scutari  at  once  surrendered  arms  of  a 
kind  in  large  quantities,  and  the  Christian^,  apparently 
quite  pleased  at  the  discomfiture  of  their  Mohammedan 
fellow-countrymen,   gave   up   such   as   they   po^ssessed. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  villages  on  the  plains  surround- 
ing Scutari  also  surrendered  their  arms,  being  rewarded 
for  thus  doing  by  having  their  pack-horses  comman- 
deered by  the  troops.    However  long  these  animals  were 
kept    the    owner   only    received    a    sum    approximately 
amounting   to   three   shillings   and  fourpence.      Cattle 
were  bought  at  the  Army's  own  price. 

The  manner  in  which  the  operations  of  Djavid  Pasha 
were  conducted,  and  many  of  the  events  which  took  place 
during  the  Ottoman  advance  across  Albania,  have  stirred 
up  ill-feeling  amongst  the  Albanians,  which  it  will  be 
difficult  for  the  Young  Turks  to  remove.  I  have  talked 
with  influential  Albanians,  whose  attitude  towards  the 
New  Regime  is  most  reasonable  and  moderate,  who 
have  informed  me  that  the  Turkish  Government,  through 


THE  ALBANIAN   QUESTION  107 

the  emissaries  whom  it  has  sent  to  subdue  Northern 
Albania,  has  behaved  in  a  barbarous  manner  under 
the  pretext  of  endeavouring  to  re-establish  order  in 
the  country.  Houses,  and  whole  villages,  have  been 
burned,  often  as  a  punishment  to  men  who  were  not 
even  in  the  villages,  and  whose  whereabouts,  although 
they  were  said  to  be  in  rebellion  against  the  Turkish 
Government,  were  in  reality  uncertain.  The  Albanians, 
I  think  not  unnaturally,  hold  that  people  whoi  decline  to 
pay  taxes — especially  taxes  in  exchange  for  the  payment 
of  which  they  see  no  return — should  not  be  killed,  but 
that  they  should  be  meted  out  punishment  in  accordance 
with  the  ordinary  rules  of  justice  as  practised  in  con- 
stitutional countries. 

In  order  to  enable  my  readers  to  gain  some  insight 
into  the  attitude  of  the  Ottoman  Government  towards  the 
Albanians,  I  propose  to  give  one  instance  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  Turkish  operations  in  Albania  were  carried 
out,  and  to  recount  another  event  which  demonstrates 
the  standard  of  justice  which  exists  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Scutari.  The  details,  in  both  cases,  were 
not  only  brought  to  my  notice  by  people  in  whom  I 
have  every  reason  to  place  confidence,  but  they  are 
typical  of  many  others  in  Turkey,  which  I  have  actually 
investigated  on  the  spot. 

The  first  episode  occurred  in  Nikaj — the  district  of 
a  Christian  tribe.  After  a  parley,  about  half  the  tribe 
consented  to  surrender  their  arms.  Much  against  the 
wish  of  the  Franciscan  priest,  who  told  the  Turkish 
authorities  that  he  alone  could  not  be  responsible  for 
the  safe  keeping  of  the  weapons,  the  surrendered  rifles 
were  stacked  in  the  Christian  church.  When  the 
troops  withdrew,  the  mountaineers,  spurred  on  by  the 
members  of  the  tribe  who  had  not  surrendered  their 
arms,  raided  the  church  and  retook  the  weapons.  The 
soldiers,  who  had  only  temporarily  withdrawn,  returned 
and  flogged  the  priest. 


108  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Not  far  from  Scutari  a  man  who  recently  died  left 
no  heir.  Under  the  circumstances,  the  property  of  the 
deceased  would  legally  pass  to  the  Government.  In 
due  course  a  town  crier  was  sent  round  to  offer  the 
estate  in  question  for  sale.  A  customer  was  found,  who 
bought  and  paid  for  the  land.  Subsequently  a  near 
relative  of  the  dead  man  made  his  appearance  and 
claimed  his  property.  The  purchaser  at  once  signified 
his  willingness  to  vacate  the  domain,  provided  the 
purchase  money  was  refunded  to  him.  Finally  the 
Government  ordered  the  man  to  leave  the  house,  and 
because  he  was  reluctant  put  him  in  prison.  Although 
the  prisoner  was  subsequently  set  free,  and  although  the 
claim  of  the  relative  was  correct,  the  buyer  did  not 
receive  a  penny  of  money  to  make  up  for  the  confisca- 
tion of  the  land,  which  he  at  least  was  entitled  to  think 
that  he  had  legally  purchased. 

The  fact  that  the  operations  in  Northern  Albania 
during  the  summer  of  19 lo  were  at  least  partially 
successful,  clearly  proves  the  weakness  of  a  State  united 
in  a.  common  object,  but  being  without  a  strong  leader. 
Although  both  Moslem  and  Christian  Albanians  of  the 
north  are  fine  fighting  men,  and  although  both  were 
certain  that  they  did  not  want  the  Turks,  yet, 
owing  to  their  want  of  organisation,  and  dislike  of  one 
another,  at  least  for  the  present,  the  Turks  they  have 
got.  There  seems  reason  to  believe  that  the  Christians 
did  not  join  the  Moslems  against  the  Government, 
largely  because  they  expected  one  of  the  Great  Powers 
— probably  Austria — would  intervene.  In  some  of  the 
more  out-of-the-way  places,  it  is  said  that  the  men  of 
the  Turkish  Army,  with  their  new  uniforms  and  caps, 
were  actually  believed  by  the  people  to  be  a  European 
army  advancing  with  the  sanction  of  the  Powers. 

Not  only  the  religious  differences,  but  also  the  tribal 
system  has  been  fatal  to  any  determined  resistance  on 
the  part  of  the  Albanians.     Each  tribe  has  fought,  and 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  109 

probably  will  fight  separately,  to  defend  its  own  land 
or  its  own  rights.  If  you  ask  in  Albania  why  certain 
people  have  not  gone  out  to  fight,  you  are  informed 
with  surprise,  **  Oh,  they  have  not  been  attacked,  and 
they  must  wait  to  defend  their  own  land."  Notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  common  misfortune  may  weld 
the  Moslems  and  the  Christians  together,  yet  the  danger 
from  the  civilisation  point  of  view  is,  that  there  is  no 
doubt  that  a  great  Moslem  propaganda  will  be  in- 
augurated. The  success  of  this  propaganda  will  be 
increased  by  a  large  amount  of  backsliding  to  Islam 
if  Austria  decides  that  it  is  not  worth  her  while  to 
spend  as  much  money  upon  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
as  she  has  done  in  the  past. 

Although  the  Albanians  are  all  one  people,  yet  the 
situation  in  the  south  is  very  different  from  that  in 
the  north.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  men  of  the 
south  have  certainly  sympathised  with  the  people  of  the 
north  in  resisting  the  abrogation  of  their  privileges, 
yet  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two  local  insurrections 
they  have  not  attempted,  by  any  acts  of  rebellion,  to 
turn  the  Albanian  movement  in  the  Kossovo  vilayet  into 
a  general  rising,  extending  from  end  to  end  of  Albania. 
The  Southerners,  who  are  not  only  better  educated  but 
also  more  united  than  the  Ghegs  of  the  north,  seem  to 
feel  that  the  imposition  of  an  **  Octroi,'*  and  the  con- 
fiscation of  arms,  are  more  or  less  questions  of  local 
interest.  Whilst,  therefore,  the  Ghegs  have  been  openly 
resisting  the  annulment  of  their  privileges,  the  Tosks 
have  been  sullenly  resenting  the  conduct  of  a  Govern- 
ment which  promised  to  its  citizens  equality,  liberty, 
and  justice,  but  which  has  consistently  objected  to  the 
improvement  of  education  and  to  the  teaching  of 
Albanian  in  the  schools.  The  imposition  of  the 
Brigandage  Law,  and  the  establishment  of  courts -martial 
— matters  which  I  have  alluded  to  already — have,  too, 
not  been  without  their  effect  upon  the  people  of 
Southern  Albania. 


110    THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  political  or  religious 
differences  which  have  divided  the  Albanians  in  the 
past,  and  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Ghegs  of  the 
north  are  only  just  beginning  to  realise  the  advantages 
to  be  gained  by  the  establishment  of  schools,  it  is  the 
desire  to  improve  their  education,  to  make  use  of  their 
own  mother  tongue,  and  to  write  Albanian  with  the 
national  or  Latin  characters,  which  is  finally  destined 
to  unite  the  Albanians   against  all  antagonists. 

The  Albanian  language,  which  is  held  by  most 
authorities  to  be  of  Aryan  origin,  probably  formed  the 
original  speech  of  the  people  of  the  whole  of  the  Balkan 
Peninsula.  Although  the  groundwork  and  grammar  of 
the  language  spoken  throughout  Albania  are  supposed  to 
be  Indo-European,  yet  as  a  large  number  of  words 
have  been  obtained  from  the  Turkish,  Latin,  Greek, 
Slav,  and  Italian  tongues,  the  dialects  of  modern 
Albanian  as  spoken  in  the  various  districts  are  very 
different.  The  people  of  each  region  have  borrowed 
words  from  the  language  of  the  country  to  which  they 
are  the  nearest.  Thus  a  Gheg  of  the  south  makes  use  of 
many  more  Greek  words  than  a  Tosk  of  the  north,  whom' 
he  would  only  understand  with  difficulty.  The  fact, 
too,  that  Albanian  was  only  reduced  to  writing  in  com- 
paratively modem  times,  and  that  no  general  form  of 
alphabet  was  decided  upon  until  after  the  advent  of  the 
Constitution,  is  largely  responsible  for  the  differences 
of  dialect  which  exist  to-day. 

Prior  to  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  there 
is  no  trace  of  the  Albanians  wanting  to  read  or  write 
their  own  language.  When  a  man  desired  to  com- 
municate with  a  friend  in  another  part  of  the  country, 
a  professional  Turkish  letter-writer  or  a  semi -educated 
priest  of  the  Orthodox  Church  could  always  be  found 
to  indite  the  letter.  The  earliest  books  which  contain 
printed  examples  of  Albanian  were  published  during 
the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century.    These  volumes 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  111 

consisted  of  a  religious  work,  published  at  Venice,  and 
of  a  dictionary,  which  contained  examples  of  the  lan- 
guage. Later  on,  towards  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  Theodore  of  Elbasan  did  much  to  assist  in 
the  improvement  of  the  Albanian  language,  by  pro- 
ducing a  dictionary.  The  Catholic  clergy,  too,  furthered 
the  language  movement  by  providing  the  people  with 
books,  many  of  which  were  published  in  Scutari  by  the 
Jesuits,  who,  as  I  have  already  said,  began  their  work 
in  Albania  about  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

As  it  is  largely  due  to  the  religious  work  undertaken 
by  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  that  the  people 
have  been  provided  with  literature  printed  in  Albanian, 
I  propose  to  give  a  brief  description  of  the  publica- 
tions of  that  Society  issued  since  1824.  Prior  to  the 
advent  of  the  Constitution  there  were  printed  editions 
of  the  Scriptures  in  five  different  Albanian  dialects — 
Calabrian  and  Sicilian  (for  the  use  of  the  Albanians  in 
Calabria  and  Sicily),  Gheg,  Gheg  of  Scutari,  and  Tosk. 
The  books  published  in  the  first  four  of  these  dialects 
were  usually  printed  in  Latin  characters,  with  a  few 
minor  alterations  to  convey  certain  sounds  necessary  in 
Albanian,  whilst  those  issued  for  the  Tosks  were  pub- 
lished in  the  Greek  characters,  with  certain  modifications. 
In  addition,  whilst  some  publications  were  printed  in 
parallel  columns  for  the  Tosks  and  Ghegs,  in  1889 
certain  parts  of  the  Bible  were  published  at  Bucharest 
in  what  were,  even  at  that  time,  known  as  the  national 
characters. 

As  early  as  1824  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew  was 
translated  by  Evangeles  Mexicos,  and  revised  by  Arch- 
bishop Gregory  of  Euboea.  These  translations  were 
printed  in  modern  Greek  and  in  Tosk  Albanian  at  Corfu, 
by  the  Ionian  Bible  Society — a  Society  promoted  and 
subsidised  by  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society. 
Three  years  later  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament  was 
published  under  the   same  auspices   in  the   same   Ian- 


112  THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

guages,  but  on  this  occasion  the  modified  Greek  alphabet 
— used  in  printing  the  Tosk  edition — was  included  in 
each  volume  in  order  to  enable  the  illiterate  people  to 
read  its  contents.  Between  the  years  i860  and  1870 
large  portions  of  the  Bible  were  translated  by  Constan- 
tine  Christophorides — an  Albanian.  As  a  result  of  the 
work  of  this  patriot,  to  whom  the  people  owe  so  much 
for  the  part  which  he  played  in  the  development  of 
Albanian  culture,  in  1866  a  volume  containing  the  Four 
Gospels,  the  Book  of  the  Acts,  and  an  alphabet,  was 
published  for  the  Ghegs  in  the  Latin  characters,  with 
certain  minor  alterations.  This  publication  was  fol- 
lowed by  others,  printed  in  Constantinople,  between  the 
years  1868  and  1879.  Both  the  editions  thus  pubUshed 
in  the  Greek  characters  for  the  people  of  the  south, 
and  those  printed  in  the  modified  Latin  letters  for  the 
Albanians  of  the  north,  again  contained  an  alphabet 
designed  to  assist  readers  in  their  study  of  the  Albanian 
language. 

In  1889,  as  a  result  of  the  request  of  an  Albanian 
Committee,  composed  of  both  Moslems  and  Christians 
(principally  Moslems),  who  met  at  Constantinople  be- 
tween the  years  1877  and  1879  for  the  purpose  of 
discussing  the  development  of  Albanian  literature,  the 
Book  of  Genesis  and  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew  were 
published  at  Bucharest.  These  books,  which  were  pre- 
pared under  the  direction  of  Gerasim  Kyrias — a  patriotic 
Albanian  who  had  studied  at  Samakov — were  printed 
in  the  new  or  national  characters  {i.e.y  the  Roman 
alphabet  with  modifications)  which  had  been  adopted 
by  the  Committee  in  1879.  So  strong,  however,  was 
the  Turkish  opposition  to  the  adoption  of  these  charac- 
ters, that  various  publications  subsequently  made  were 
not  allowed  to  be  printed  in  them.  After  the  advent 
of  the  Constitution  arrangements  were  made  for  the 
publication  at  Monastir  of  the  Four  Gospels,  printed  in 
the   characters   adopted   at  the   Congress   of   Elbasan. 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  113 

Before,  however,  the  printing  of  this  edition  had  been 
completed  at  the  Bashkim  Club,  at  Monastir,  all 
Albanian  printing  presses  were  closed  by  order  of  the 
Government. 

Under  the  Old  Regime  Turkish  Primary  and 
Secondary  schools  existed  in  a.  few  of  the  more  im- 
portant towns  in  Albania,  and  boys  were  taught  to  read 
the  Koran  at  the  mosques.  The  education  of  the  people, 
as  I  have  already  described,  was  also  furthered  by 
schools  established  under  the  protection  of  Austria  and 
of  Italy.  Before  1908,  it  was,  however,  the  Orthodox 
Church  that  had  been  mainly  responsible  for  improving 
the  education  of  the  people — specially  in  the  south — 
by  means  of  schools  opened  and  maintained  under  the 
privileges  enjoyed  by  the  Greek   Patriarchate. 

Prior  to  the  re-establishment  of  the  Constitution 
every  obstacle  was  placed  in  the  way  of  the  development 
of  education  in  Albania  by  the  Albanians  themselves. 
The  Turks  always  bitterly  opposed  the  establishment 
of  Albanian  schools,  which  they  foresaw  were  destined 
sooner  or  later  to  unite  the  followers  of  three  great 
religions  in  a  common  cause — the  improvement  of 
education  by  secular  rather  than  by  religious  instruction. 
So  strong  was  the  Turkish  opposition  to  the  Albanian 
educational  movement,  that  at  the  time  of  the  advent 
of  the  Constitution  only  one  Albanian  school  remained 
open.  This  institution  was  founded  in  1891  by  Gerasim 
and  Sevasti  Kyrias  at  Korcha,  for  the  purpose  of  edu- 
cating Albanian  girls.  This  school,  to  which  Moslems 
were  not  allowed  to  send  their  children,  only  outlived 
the  ;tyranny  of  Abdul  Hamid  owing  to  the  energy  of 
Miss  Sevasti  Kyrias— the  devoted  founder  and  director 
of  the  establishment.  Although  Miss  Kyrias  may  not 
have  been  able  to  accomplish  all  that  she  desired  at 
Korcha,  yet  her  establishment  was  certainly  more 
fortunate  than  the  Secondary  school  for  boys  opened 
in  the  same  town  in  1884.     After  lingering  on  in  face 

8 


114  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

of  the  oppression  of  the  Turkish  Government,  and  in 
spite  of  the  persecution  of  the  Orthodox  Church,  this 
institution  was  finally  closed  in  1902,  as  a  result  of  the 
arrest  of  its  two  founders,  who  had  worked  for  eighteen 
years  to  improve  the  education  of  the  Albanian  people. 

The  educational  question  in  Albania  may  now  ,be 
divided  into  two  parts — a.  discussion  as  to  the  characters 
in  which  the  language  is  to  be  written,  and  a  dispute 
as  to  the  manner  and  extent  to  which  Albanian  is 
to  be  employed  or  taught  in  the  different  schools  which 
exist  in  the  provinces  in  which  the  gallant  Amauts  reside. 

Although  before  the  advent  of  the  Constitution 
various  attempts  were  made  to  draw  up  an  alphabet 
of  so-called  national  characters,  and  although,  as  I 
have  already  explained,  a  few  books  printed  in  them 
were  published  at  Rome,  Sofia,  and  Bucharest,  yet 
for  all  practical  purposes  prior  to  1908  the  Albanian 
language  was  written  by  the  Ghegs  with  the  Latin 
characters  and  by  the  Tosks  with  the  Greek  alphabet. 

As  a  result  of  the  Yoimg  Turk  revolution,  an  im- 
portant Albanian  Congress — the  first  that  had  been 
permitted  by  the  Turks — was  held  at  Monastir  in 
November,  1908.  The  principal  objects  of  the  gather- 
ing were  to  discuss  the  alphabet  and  educational 
questions  in  Albania.  After  sittings  which  lasted  for 
more  than  a  week,  the  Committee  decided  to  adopt  the 
Latin  alphabet  as  a  basis  for  the  Albanian  national 
characters,  and  to  adapt  every  letter  to  suit  the  phonetic 
sounds  of  the  language.  The  value  of  each  letter  was 
carefully  considered,  and  where  the  Latin  symbols  were 
found  to  be  inadequate  the  remaining  sounds  were 
provided  by  the  union  of  two  letters  of  the  alphabet. 
The  amended  alphabet,  accompanied  by  the  Greek 
letters,  was  appended  to  the  report  drawn  up  by  the 
members  of  the  Congress.  The  intention  of  the  dele- 
gates, in  including  the  Greek  alphabet,  was  to  grant  a 
concession  to  the  advocates  of  Tosk  Albanian,  which, 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  115 

it  was  suggested,  might  for  the  present  still  be  used  in 
the  south  should  the  people  insist  on  following  such  a 
Course,  which,  however,  was  greatly  discouraged  by 
the  members  of  the  Congress.  In  addition  to  adopting 
the  above  report,  the  Congress  passed  a  resolution  that 
all  /Albanian  clubs  and  societies  should  send  a  report 
to  the  Bashkim  Club  at  Monastir,  with  the  object  of 
enabling  that  association  to  keep  in  touch  with  the  work 
which  was  being  carried  out  in  Albania.  In  September, 
1909,  a  second  Congress,  held  at  Elbasan— perhaps  the 
most  important  town  in  Albajnia — confirmed  the  decisions 
of  the  Congress  of  Monastir,  and  also  made  arrange- 
ments for  the  realisation  of  certain  sections  of  the 
programme  to  which  I  shall  allude  below. 

The  object  of  the  Albanians  in  wishing  to  adopt  the 
Latin,  or  national,  characters,  and  in  objecting  to  the 
Arabic  alphabet,  is  twofold  :  in  the  first  place  they  are 
more  easily  learnt  by  the  people,  and  in  the  second 
they  are  more  suitable  for  expressing  the  language. 
The  Turks,  on  their  part,  have  a  deep-rooted  objection 
to  the  employment  of  the  Latin  characters  in  Albania, 
not  only  because  this  system  of  writing  and  reading  will 
eventually  tend  to  unite  the  tribes  and  districts  by  a 
literature  which  is  common  to  all,  but  because  it  will 
make  it  possible  for  Albanian  books  to  be  printed  in 
Europe.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Arabic  characters 
could  be  enforced,  the  Ottoman  authorities  fully  realise 
that  a  much  greater  difficulty  would  be  experienced  in 
providing  the  means  of  educating  and  developing  the 
mental  capacities  of  the  Albanian  people. 

Although  Turkish  opposition  to  the  Latin,  or  national, 
characters  was  officially  withdrawn  after  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Constitution,  yet  there  is  ample  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  Turks  are  trying  to  prevent  the  use  of 
the  Latin  alphabet,  by  endeavouring  to  induce  the 
Mohammedan  Albanians  to  believe  that  the  Arabic 
characters  are  sacred.    Meetings  have  been  held  in  the 


116  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

mosques,  in  order  to  encourage  the  fanaticism  of  the 
Albanians,  by  stating  that  the  schools,  the  language,  and 
the  national  characters  are  dangerous  to  the  Moslem 
religion.  Endeavours  have  been  made  to  convince  the 
people  that  the  Koran  must  be  read  and  printed  only 
with  the  sacred  Arabic  letters,  and  that  those  letters 
must  be  adopted  by  those  who  wish  to  remain  loyal 
to  the  Faith.  Although  all  Moslems  were  invited  to 
attend  these  demonstrations,  and  to  sign  their  names  in 
favour  of  the  adoption  of  the  Arabic  letters,  yet  as  the 
Albanians  are  not  religiously  fanatical,  these  endeavours 
on  the  part  of  the  Turks  have,  up  to  the  present  at 
least,  proved  an  almost  entire  failure. 

Not  only  have  the  meetings  inaugurated  by  the  Turks 
in  Albania  proved  a  fiasco,  but  so  strong  is  the  Albanian 
sentiment  in  favour  of  education  that  men  of  all  classes, 
both  Moslems  and  Christians,  have  held  meetings  to 
protest  against  the  unjust  measures  which  they  feel 
have  been  taken  by  the  Government  against  their 
language  and  against  the  development  of  their  educa- 
tion. At  Elbasan  7,000  Albanians  gathered  together, 
declaring  themselves  ready  to  protect  their  language 
with  their  lives.  In  spite,  too,  of  the  opposition  of 
the  Government,  a  great  demonstration  of  Albanians, 
attended  by  numerous  representatives  from  the  sur- 
rounding districts,  was  held  at  Korcha  during  February, 
1 9 10.  Those  present  at  this  meeting,  which  was  opened 
by  a  prayer  recited  by  a  Moslem  khoja,  unanimously 
voted  in  favour  of  the  adoption  of  the  Latin  characters 
for  writing  Albanian — letters  which  the  delegates  agreed 
had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  religion,  and  which 
carry  with  them  no  hindrance  to  it  whatever. 

In  addition  to  the  Greek  and  various  foreign  educa- 
tional establishments  which  exist  in  Albania,  the  schools 
of  the  country  are  now  made  up  of  those  financed  by 
the  State  (a  few  of  which  I  have  already  explained 
existed  before  the  Constitution),  and  of  the  Albanian 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  117 

schools,  all  of  which,  with  the  exception  of  that  'at 
Korcha,  have  been  established  since  the  Constitution. 
At  the  present  time  the  Turkish  schools  may  be  divided 
into  three  more  or  less  distinct  classes — Primary, 
Secondary,  and  Higher  Secondary  schools.  In  the 
Primary  schools  the  Turks  at  first  endeavoured  to  make 
Turkish  the  only  language  of  the  school.  Great  diffi- 
culty was  found  in  doing  this,  as  many  of  the  professors 
did  not  know  Turkish,  and  hardly  any  of  the  pupils 
understood  it.  In  the  Secondary  and  Higher  Secondary 
schools  the  Ottoman  authorities  desire  to  make 
Turkish  the  language  of  the  school,  and  to  teach 
Albanian  as  a  foreign  tongue.  The  Albanians  argue 
that  in  the  Primary  schools  tuition  should  be  carried 
out  in  Albanian,  and  urge  that  in  all  cases  Albanian 
should  be  the  language  of  the  school,  but  at  the  same 
time  signify  their  willingness  that  in  all  schools  the 
children  should  be  taught  Turkish. 

Where  Albanian  is  being  taught  in  the  national 
schools,  the  Turks  are  endeavouring  to  insist  on  writing 
and  reading  being  carried  out  with  Arabic  characters. 
So  strong  is  the  Albanian  feeling  against  this  innova- 
tion that  in  at  least  one  school  the  pupils  tore  up  the 
books  written  with  the  detested  characters.  At  Korcha, 
which  has  always  been  and  still  is  acknowledged  as  an 
educational  centre  for  all  Albania,  thirty-eight  students 
left  one  of  the  higher  State  colleges  and  went  to  the 
Albanian  club  school  a^  a  protest  against  the  enforcement 
of  the  Arabic  alphabet.  The  example  of  these  students 
was  shortly  afterwards  followed  by  a  majority  of  the 
boys  attending  the  local  Turkish  preparatory  school. 

During  the  first  eighteen  months  after  the  advent 
of  the  New  Regime  the  Turks  offered  little  open  resist- 
ance to  the  Albanian  schools  founded  since  the 
Constitution.  These  establishments,  of  which  there 
were  between  ten  and  fifteen  when  I  left  Turkey,  were 
supported    by    voluntary    subscriptions    contributed    by 


118  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Albanians  belonging  to  all  stations  in  life.  Not  only 
is  the  reality  of  the  movement  proved  by  the  fact  that 
£T7oo  was  collected  during  the  Congress  held  at 
Elbasan,  but  while  I  was  in  Turkey  I  actually  saw  the 
list  of  subscribers — engineers,  workmen,  officials  resident 
in  Damascus — who  forwarded  a  sum  of  £T20  through 
the  medium  of  an  Albanian  paper  published  at  Salonika. 

In  order  to  supply  a;  sufficient  number  of  well- 
educated  young  men  to  occupy  the  position  of  teachers 
in  the  Albanian  schools,  an  important  educational 
establishment  was  opened  at  Elbasan.  The  course  at 
this  school,  which  early  in  1910  possessed  some  fifty 
pupils,  is  supposed  to  last  six  years,  and  is  taken  by 
young  Albanians  who  come  from  all  parts  of  the 
country.  The  fact  that  this  Normal  school  possessed 
some  fifty  pupils  when  it  had  only  been  open  for  the 
short  period  of  a  few  months— it  was  established  subse- 
quent to  the  Congress  held  at  Elbasan  in  September, 
1909 — proves  the  strength  of  the  educational  move- 
ment in  Albania.  So  strong,  indeed,  is  this  movement 
that  its  promoters  anticipate  that  as  a  result  of  their 
efforts  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  Albanian  population  will, 
in  a  few  years,  be  able  to  read  their  own  language.* 

For  months  the  Albanian  cause  was  supported  by  at 
least  seven  newspapers  which  were  published  respec- 
tively at  Salonika,  Monastir,  Yanina,  and  Korcha, 
besides  one  journal  printed  in  America  under  the  super- 
vision of  Faik  Bey  Konitza,  and  now  forbidden  entrance 
into  Turkey.  Whilst  one  of  the  papers  which  appeared 
at  Salonika  was  a  review,  edited  by  Midhat  Bey,  who 
was  president  of  the  Congress  held  at  Monastir  in  1908, 
another  paper,  published  at  Korcha,  was  the  organ  of 
the  Orthodox  League.  The  Albanian  cause,  too,  was 
greatly  furthered  by  the  Albanian  clubs,  the  chief  of 
which — ^known  as  the  Bashkim  Club — was  at  Monastir. 
In  spite  of  the  law  passed  by  the  Turkish  Chamber  in 
August,    1909,  which  forbids  the  existence  of  political 


eg 

!>  .is 


05 
5j  Q 


6> 


THE  ALBANIAN  QUESTION  119 

clubs  established  on  a  nationalistic  basis,  the  Albanians, 
by  means  of  declaring  that  their  clubs  were  not  existing 
with  political  or  nationalistic  objects,  managed  for  many 
months  to  prevent  these  institutions  being  closed  by  law. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Moslem  Albanians 
(except  the  people  of  Scutari)  certainly  appear  to 
want  autonomy,  yet  the  above  observations  will  be 
sufficient  to  prove  that  a  very  limited  form  of  local 
government  under  the  authority  of  the  Sultan,  if  accom- 
panied by  fair  treatment,  will  be  better  for  the  people 
of  Albania  than  a  weak  autonomy.  The  Albanians  are 
not  reactionaries,  and  they  detested  the  Old  Regime,  but 
they  consider  that  the  Young  Turks  have  no  right  to 
break  the  contract  made  with  them  by  the  Old  Turks, 
under  which  at  least  large  portions  of  Albania  almost 
entirely  managed  its  own  affairs.  The  Turks,  instead  of 
making  terms  with  the  Albanians,  ^vho  have  been  and  are 
perfectly  open  to  accept  reasonable  conditions,  entered 
upon  the  new  era  with  a  system  of  bullying  and  deception. 

Although  the  insurrection  in  Northern  Albania  Js 
said  to  be  at  an  end,  and  although  the  Albanians  of 
the  south  have  not  at  present  risen  against  the  Govern- 
ment, yet  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  Young  Turks 
are  more  than  at  the  beginning  of  the  Albanian  Question. 
Whilst  a  well-governed  Albania  would  be  to  Turkey 
a  precious  reserve  of  men,  this  tract  of  country,  if 
badly  administered,  will  remain  an  obstacle  in  sur- 
mounting which  the  Young  Turks  may  yet  be  doomed 
to  encounter  disaster.  By  conciliating  these  warriors, 
instead  of  by  endeavouring  to  denationalise  them,  the 
Young  Turks  will  not  only  be  assured  of  the  support  of 
a  race  who  will  form'  an  invaluable  bulwark  against  the 
encroachment  of  more  than  one  influence  diametrically 
opposed  to  the  development  of  a  strong  Turkey,  but 
they  will  obtain  the  assistance  of  a  people  whose  help 
will  be  invaluable  to  them'  ais  each  new  internal  pr 
external  crisis  arises. 


IV  • 

THE  ARMENIAN   MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,   1909 

General  remarks  concerning  the  Armenians — Former  massacres — 
Description  of  Adana — The  first  massacre  in  Adana— The  second 
massacre  in  Adana — Relief  work. 

My  readers  who  have  scanned  the  contents  pages  of 
this  book  before  dipping  into  the  following  chapters, 
which  I  :have  devoted  tq  a  brief  account  of  the  Armenian 
massacres  of  1909,  may  have  expected  to  find 
enumerated  a  series  of  horrors  which  undoubtedly 
accompanied  the  massacre  in  the  district  of  Adana. 
Although  the  particulars  of  the  outrage  are,  indeed, 
more  horrible  than  almost  any  Englishman  who  has 
not  visited  a  massacre  area  can  imagine,  yet  I  do  not 
feel  that  any  good  object  can  now  be  attained  by  re- 
counting in  detail  the  brutal  mianner  in  which  thousands 
of  Christians  were  murdered.  In  attempting,  therefore, 
to  give  a  clear,  brief,  and  unbiassed  general  narrative 
of  what  took  place  in  the  vilayets  of  Adana  and  Aleppo, 
I  must  ask  those  who  read  these  pages  to  understand 
that  I  am  obliged  to  omit  many  facts  concerning  the 
tragedy  which  are  quite  tmprintable,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  consider  me  as  a  traveller  who  likes  the  Turks, 
and  more  especially  the  Osmanli  who  inhabits  the 
interior  of  the  Asiatic  Provinces  of  the  Ottoman 
Empire. 

The   situation   in   the   Ottoman   Dominions   is   com- 
plicated by  the  fact  that  almost  all  the  Christian  races 

which  inhabit  these  dominions  are  formed,  as  I  have 

120 


THE  ARMENIAN  MA^SSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  121 

explained  elsewhere,  into  communities,  the  Patriarchs  or 
chiefs  of  which  have  not  invariably  been  averse  to 
making  use  of  their  religious  positions  to  extend  a 
political  influence  amongst  those  whose  spiritual  welfare 
they  are  supposed  to  safeguard.  The  Armenian  Patri- 
archs at  Constantinople  have  probably  attempted  to 
keep  beyond  the  political  arena  more  carefully  than 
some  other  dignitaries  who  hold  almost  corresponding 
positions  at  the  Turkish  capital.  Whilst  the  CEcu- 
menical  Patriarch  and  the  Bulgarian  Exarch  are 
religious  chiefs  of  all  the  members  of  the  Orthodox 
and  Bulgarian  Churches  throughout  the  world,  the 
Armenian  (Gregorian)  Patriarch  possesses  no  authority 
over  any  Armenians  who  reside  without  the  Turkish 
Empire.  The  supreme  head  of  the  Gregorian  Church 
is  the  Catholicus  of  Echmiadzin,  situated  in  Russian 
territory,  about  loo  miles  to  the  south  of  Tiflis.  This 
dignitary,  who  is  elected  for  life  by  representatives  of 
the  Armenian  communities  throughout  the  world,  and 
who  now  for  the  first  time  is  a  Russian  subject,  has 
no  administrative  control  over  the  Ottoman  Armenians, 
but  has  certain  purely  religious  privileges  which  extend 
to  the  Gregorians  of  Turkey,  as  well  as  to  those  who  live 
elsewhere.  Two  other  Armenian  Catholici  who  reside 
at  Akhtamar  (an  island  in  Lake  Van)  and  at  Sis  in 
Southern  Asia  Minor,  although  nominally  of  the  same 
rank  as  the  Pontiff  who  lives  at  Echmiadzin,  in  reality 
only  possess  local  jurisdiction  over  the  respective 
Ca^holicates  in  which  they  have  their  abodes. 

A  Gregorian  Patriarch  was  first  appointed  in 
Constantinople  in  1461,  when  Mohammed  IL  transferred 
the  then  Bishop  of  Brousa  from  that  city  to  the  newly - 
conquered  Turkish  capital.  Since  this  date  the  Patri- 
arch of  Constantinople  has  been  administrative  chief 
of  all  the  Gregorian  Armenians  domiciled  within  the 
Ottoman  Empire.  His  Beatitude  is  assisted  in  his 
position  of  supreme  judge  over  all  his  followers,  and 


122  THE   DANGER   ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

of  intermediary  between  his  flock  and  the  Ottoman 
authorities,  by  a  spiritual  as  well  as  a  lay  council. 
The  spiritual  council  is  responsible  for  all  matters  con- 
cerning the  clergy,  whilst  the  temporal  council  deals 
with  all  questions  of  divorce,  education,  hospitals,  or 
finance.  In  addition  to  the  Patriarch  at  Constantinople, 
there  is  a  Gregorian  Patriarch  at  Antioch  and  Jerusalem 
respectively.  Both  the  Roman  Catholic  and  the  Pro- 
testant Armenians  of  Turkey  have  comparatively  lately 
been  formed  into  independent  communities.  Whilst 
it  was  in  1831,  largely  owing  to  the  support  of  France, 
that  the  Papists  were  finally  recognised  as  a  separate 
community,  it  was  not  until  much  later  that  the 
Protestants   received   the   same   privilege. 

Although  those  who  desire  to  have  any  real  idea  of 
the  beliefs  and  practices  of  the  Armenian  (Gregorian) 
Church  must  seek  their  knowledge  elsewhere,  yet  I 
propose  to  give  my  readers  a  very  brief  idea  of  the 
religion  of  the  people  whom  I  am  about  to  describe. 
The  Armenians  were  early  converted  to  Christianity. 
Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  legend  gives  some  details 
concerning  the  prehistoric  religion  of  the  people,  yet 
Bishop  Gregory — a  prince  of  the  then  reigning  family 
of  Armenia,  who  was  consecrated  bishop  of  his  flock 
at  Caiseria  in  302  A.D.,  may  be  described  as  the  real 
historical  founder  of  the  Armenian  Church.  The 
doctrines  and  outward  forms  of  the  Gregorian  religion 
closely  resemble  those  of  the  Orthodox  Church.  Con- 
fession and  penance  are  laid  down  as  articles  of  religion, 
Gregorians  being  supposed  to  attend  confession  before 
receiving  the  Holy  Communion.  Prayers  are  said 
for  the  dead,  but  the  Church  does  not  believe  in 
purgatory. 

In  some  respects  the  Armenians  may  well  be  com- 
pared to  the  Poles,  whilst  in  others  they  much  resemble 
the  Jews.  While  the  Armenians  and  the  Poles  each 
reside  for  the  most  pa,rt  within  the  boundaries  of  three 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  123 

empires, I  both  ra:ces  dislike  the  various  rulers  under 
whom  they  are  compelled  to  live.  Again,  whilst  both 
the  Armenians  and  the  Jews  are  gifted  with  the 
same  aptitude  for  finance,  neither  people,  in  spite  of 
constant  persecution,  have  changed  their  somewhat 
peculiar  forms  of  religion.  The  members  of  both 
races,  Armenians  and  Jews,  notwithstanding*  their  almost 
universal  unpopularity  with  those  whom  they  meet,  are 
possessed  of  quite  inexplicable  methods  by  which  they 
prosper  under  the  most  adverse  circumstances.  If  an 
Armenian  becomes  destitute,  either  by  his  own  or  by 
somebody  else's  fault,  it  will  be  but  a  period  of  a  few 
years  before  he  has  re-established  himself  in  as  if 
not  more  favourable  circumstances  than  those  in  which 
he  lived  before  the  said  disaster  brought  him  to  a 
state  of  poverty. 

.Whilst  I  have  already  shown  that  the  Armenian 
possesses  some  features  in  his  character  which  would 
not  unnaturally  make  him  unpopular  with  those  who 
either  meet  or  live  with  him,  yet  it  is  necessary  when 
mixing  with,  writing  about,  or  reading  of  the  Armenians 
to  remember  that  the  conditions  under  which  these 
Christians  have  existed  for  many  centuries  are  hardly 
those  which  would  produce  a  people  possessed  of  those 
qualities  which  would  be  popular  in  the  world. 
Although,  speaking  generally  (elsewhere  I  shall  give 
some  stories  which  go  to  prove  the  contrary),  the 
Armenians  are  not  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  word 
particularly  courageous,  yet  a  people  who,  in  spite  of 
oppression  and  hardship,  have  never  given  up  their 
language,  customs,  and  religion  must  be  gifted  with 
considerable  strength  of  mind  and  possess  many  merits, 

»  Out  of  a  total  estimated  number  of  4,000,0001  Armenians  in  the 
world,  some  2,500,000  reside  within  the  Ottoman  Empire  (2,100,000  in 
Asiatic  Turkey  and  400,000  in  the  European  Provinces  of  the  Sultan), 
1,200,000  in  Russia,  150,000  in  Persia,  and  the  remainder  in  divers  parts 
of  the  globe. 


124         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

even  if  these  qualities  are  not  always  apparent  to  the 
everyday  man. 

Before  entering  upon  a  long  account  of  the  terrible 
outbreak  which  occurred  at  Adana  in  1909,  I 
will  briefly  enumerate  the  various  Armenian  massacres 
which  took  place  during  the  closing  years  of  the  ex- 
Sultan  Abdul  Hamid's  reign,  and  which,  though  for 
the  most  part  less  terrible  than  those  which  occurred 
in  the  Cilician  Plain,  struck  all  Europe  as  outrages 
of  the  most  terrible  nature.  In  1894  some  900 
Armenians  are  computed  to  have  been  massacred  by 
Turks  and  Kurds  at  Sasun — a  mountainous  district  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Moush.  This  disaster  was  a 
result  of  the  Armenians*  refusal  to  pay  taxes  to  the 
Turks,  unless  they  were  guaranteed  against  the  attacks 
of  the  Kurds,  who  were  wont  to  exact  all  the  spare 
Armenian  money.  As  a  consequence  of  this  massacre, 
and  of  diplomatic  pressure  on  the  part  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Great  Powers,  a  scheme  of  reform  was 
sanctioned  by  the  ex -Sultan.  This  scheme,  like  so 
many  others  dealing  with  reform,  was  introduced  to 
satisfy  Europe,  rather  than  really  to  ameliorate  the 
conditions  under  which  the  Christians  of  the  Ottoman 
Empire  existed  during  the  final  years  of  absolutism. 
So  little  improvement  was  brought  about  by  the  new 
project  that  in  the  late  autumn  of  1895  there  occurred 
massacres  in  Trebizond,  Erzeroum,  Diabekir,  Bitlis, 
Caiseria,  and  Urfa,  in  which  according  to  official  re- 
ports some  25,000  Christians  perished,  but  in  which 
it  is  probable  that  a  far  greater  number  of  people 
actually  lost  their  lives. 

1896  was  again  a  bloody  year  in  the  annals  of 
Armenian  history.  Whilst  in  the  spring  the  conflict 
at  Zeitun,  near  Marash,  took  place,  the  autumn  saw 
terrible  horrors  at  Constantinople.  On  August  26th 
the  Armenians,  convinced  that  the  attitude  of  the  Powers 
would  bring  about  no  real  amelioration  of  the  condi- 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  125 

tions  in  which  they  lived,  attacked  and  captured  the 
Ottoman  Bank  at  Constantinople.  As  a  result  of  this 
audacious  effort  to  bring  about  the  intervention  of  the 
European  Powers,  the  Turkish  Government  permitted 
mobs  of  Kurds  and  other  Moslems  to  parade  the  streets 
of  the  capital  for  about  twenty-four  hours,  murdering 
Gregorian  Armenians  wherever  they  went.  It  is 
estimated  that  some  5,000  victims  perished  in  the 
massacre  beneath  the  windows  of  the  houses  occupied 
by  the  ambassadors  who  represented  the  Great  Powers 
in   Constantinople. 

Between  1896  and  1909  no  serious  massacre  pf 
Armenians  occurred  in  Turkey.  The  districts  subjected 
to  the  Armenian  massacres  of  1909  extended  from 
Tarsus  to  Kessab,  situated  on  the  landward  slope  of 
Mount  Cassius,  about  halfway  between  the  sea -coast 
towns  of  Alexandretta  and  Latakia.  The  Cilician  Plain 
— a  very  fertile  district  bordering  upon  the  Gulf  of 
Alexandretta — was  probably  the  scene  of  the  greatest 
horrors.  This  fruitful  area,  which  is  practically  cut 
off  by  mountains  from  the  remainder  of  the  Asiatic 
dominions  of  the  Sultan,  is  watered  by  the  rivers 
Cydnus,  Sihun,  and  Pyramus.  These  rivers,  which  were 
once  (navigable  as  far  as  Tarsus,  Adana,  and  Missis 
respectively,  are  now  only  muddy  channels  which  serve 
to  conduct  a  vast  volume  of  water  across  the  narrow 
plain  from  the  mountains  in  which  they  rise  to  the  sea 
coast.  The  rich  lands  of  the  Cilician  Plain  are  culti- 
vated for  cotton,  wheat,  barley,  and  sesame,  which  are 
exported  from  Mersina — a  modern  seaboard  town  with 
a  population  of  about  25,000  souls.  It  is  to,  or  through, 
Mersina  that  all  Armenians  who  possess  sufficient  money 
to  leave  the  Cilician  Plain  fly  in  times  of  trouble  or 
when   massacres   are   feared. 

The  Armenians  who  now  inhabit  the  Cilician  Plain 
are  the  descendants  of  the  followers  of  Prince  Rhupen, 
who   migrated   southwards   from   Armenia    during    the 


126  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

eleventh  century.  These  people  at  first  only  dwelt  in 
the  country  which  surrounds  the  town  of  Sis,  but  later 
on  extended  the  frontier  of  their  kingdom,  known  as 
the  Kingdom  of  Cilicia  or  Lesser  Armenia,  as  far  as 
the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  Most  Armenians 
speak  their  own  language  as  their  mother  tongue,  but 
the  Christians  of  the  Cilician  Plain,  as  well  as  some 
other  parts  of  the  country,  for  the  most  part  make 
use  of  the  tongue  of  their  Osmanli  masters  in  everyday 
life.  Turkish  is  here  even  written  by  the  Armenians 
with  their  own  alphabet. 

Adana,  where  the  massacres  first  broke  out,  is  not 
only  the  most  important  town  on  the  Cilician  Plain, 
but  also  the  capital  of  one  of  the  richest  provinces  in 
the  Ottoman  Empire.  iWhile  the  largest  part  of  the 
city,  with  its  population  of  about  40,000  souls  (one- 
third  of  whom  are  Christians),  is  built  on  the  plain 
through  which  the  Sihun  wends  its  way  to  the  Medi- 
terranean, a  portion  of  the  Armenian  quarter,  including 
the  American  School  for  girls,  the  residence  of  Mr. 
iW.  N.  Chambers  (the  well-known  missionary,  who  with 
his  nephew,  Mr.  Lawson  Chambers,  probably  saved  more 
lives  during  the  massacre  than  any  other  two  men),  and 
the  Jesuit  School  for  girls  are  situated  on  a  small 
isolated  eminence  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Sihun. 
The  town  is  divided  into  numerous  distinct  quarters, 
each  inhabited  or  tenanted  for  business  purposes  by 
a  different  element  of  the  community.  Christians  not 
only  live  in  separate  parts  of  the  city  from  those  occu- 
pied by  Moslems,  but  the  bazaars  (shops)  kept  and 
frequented  by  Moslems  and  non-Moslems  are,  for  the 
most  part,  located  in  quite  distinct  districts  of  the  town. 
The  main  route  from  Mersina,  after  passing  the  R^gie 
tobacco  factory  and  the  railway  station  (the  present 
terminus  of  the  Mersina-Adana  line),  enters  the  city 
and  runs  through  the  market-place  to  the  Armenian 
bazaar.    Beyond  these  Christian  shops  again  is  situated 


A   STREET   IN    THE   MOSLEM   QUARTER   OF  ADANA   UNTOUCHED   DURING  THE 

MASSACRE. 


A    HEAP    OF    ARMENIAN    RUINS   DISTANT    HUT    A    FEW    HUNDRED    YARDS    FROM 
THE    STREET   SHOWN    IN    THE    UPPER    PICTURE, 


To  face  p.  127. 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  127 

the  Turkish  bazaar,  the  Moslem  residential  quarter,  and 
the  Konak,  besides  other  governmental  offices.  In  the 
market-place  a  second  important  street  bifurcates  from 
the  main  thoroughfare,  and  leads  past  the  Ottoman 
Bank,  along  the  open  space  which  serves  the  purpose 
of  drill  and  fair  ground  to  the  western  end  of  the  bridge 
across  the  River  Sihun.  Close  to  the  end  of  the  bridge, 
and  near  the  Konak,  this  street  again  unites  with  the 
one  from  which  it  divided  in  the  market-place.  The 
bridge  across  the  Sihun,  which  is  some  300  yards 
long,  is  the  only  means  by  which  travellers  can 
enter  or  leave  the  city  when  arriving  from  or  proceeding 
directly  towards  the  east. 

When  I  visited  Adana  in  the  month  of  October  (six 
months  after  the  massacres)  the  Christian  business 
quarter  of  the  city  was  practically  no  more  than  many 
heaps  of  charred  remains  intersected  by  numerous  semi- 
destroyed  walls.  As  I  shall  describe  hereafter,  the  non- 
Moslem  dwellings  had  been  repaired  by  means  of  the 
money  subscribed  through  the  International  Relief 
Committee,  but  the  Government  had  not  then  attempted 
to  rebuild,  or  even  to  allow  the  people  to  rebuild,  the 
houses  which  made  up  the  principal  Armenian  quarter, 
and  included  the  Christian  bazaar.  As  one  looked  down 
from  the  roof  of  Mr.  Chambers's  house,  but  little  was 
visible  besides  the  ruined  walls  of  a  once  prosperous 
city,  here  and  there  the  monotony  of  the  scene  being 
broken  by  the  tower  of  an  almost  entirely  destroyed 
Armenian  church  or  the  more  prominent  remains  of  a 
once  important  house.  The  burning  and  destruction 
were  so  systematically  carried  out  that  more  than  one 
Turkish  mosque  or  Moslem  house  might  be  clearly  dis- 
tinguished in  the  very  middle  of  the  Christian  ruins. 
Now  and  then  a  Christian  house,  in  immediate  proximity 
to  the  Turkish  quarter,  or  situated  next  to  a  Moslem 
dwelling,  was  saved,  owing  to  the  danger  that  fire  might 
spread   to  some   "  True   Believer's "   property   were   it 


128  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

ignited.  As  one  wandered  through  the  mass  of  ruins 
the  horror  of  the  scene  became  more  and  more  real. 
So  great  was  the  destruction  that  it  was  almost  im- 
possible to  discern  where  streets  once  existed  and  where 
they  did  not. 

Adana  is  the  centre  of  the  cotton  trade  on  the 
Cilician  Plain.  Several  large  establishments  have  been 
started  in  the  town  for  ginning,  spinning,  and  weaving. 
.Whilst  the  most  important  factories  are  owned  by  the 
Trypani  Brothers — Greeks,  who  introduced  the  cotton 
industry  into  Cilicia  about  forty  years  ago— a  group  of 
German,  Swiss,  and  Austrian  financiers,  known  as  the 
Deutsche  Levant  Cotton  Company,  have  more  recently 
started  a  business  at  Adana.  This  C  ontinental  Company, 
which  is  still  almost  in  its  infancy,  annually  imports  a 
large  quantity  of  American  cotton-seed,  and  allows  the 
peasants  to  purchase  it  on  credit.  The  cotton  crop  is 
then  bought  back  by  the  same  firm,  made  up  by 
machinery  into  bales,  and  exported  for  sale  in  the 
European  market.  Such  are  the  Germanic  methods  of 
pushing  '*  trade  '*  and  gaining  influence  in  Asia  Minor. 

The  indirect  and  supposed  causes  of  the  unfortunate 
events  which  occurred  in  Asia  Minor  in  1909  will  be 
discussed  elsewhere.  iWhile  previous  massacres  at 
Erzeroum,  Van,  and  elsewhere  have  been  of  short  dura- 
tion, and  have  resembled  a  mighty  whirlwind  of  horror 
and  destruction  rushing  through  the  town  or  district, 
the  events  which  took  place  at  Adana  and  in  the  sur- 
rounding district  in  1909  were  a  series  of  most 
diabolical  slaughters  which  continued  for  more  than 
sufficient  time  to  enable  the  perpetrators,  the  massacred, 
and  the  onlookers  to  realise  fully  what  was  actually 
taking  place. 

It  was  on  Thursday,  April  8th,  that  an  Armenian  who 
had  previously  been  persecuted  by  some  Turks  in 
Adana,  and  who  had,  in  vain,  appealed  to  the  Vali,  shot 
at  his  enemies,  killing  one  and  wounding  another.    The 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  129 

dead  Turk's  body  was  carried  about  the  city,  which 
caused  a  great  deal  of  ill-feeling  between  the  Moslems 
and  the  Christians.  As  a  result  of  an  Armenian  being 
killed  by  a  Moslem  crowd  on  the  following  Sunday,  the 
Christian  population  became  very  uneasy,  and  on 
Monday,  Mr.  W.  N.  Chambers,  accompanied  by  various 
local  dignitaries,  went  to  the  Governor-General,  who 
faithfully  assured  them  that  the  people  of  the  city  were 
perfectly  quiet  and  that  there  was  no  cause  for  fear. 
In  spite  of  these  definite  assurances,  ominous  rumours 
continued  in  the  town,  and  one  or  two  Armenians  are 
believed  to  have  been  killed  in  the  streets  on  Tuesday, 
April  13th — the  day  of  the  reactionary  movement  in 
Constantinople.  During  these  days  of  anxiety  any 
Armenians  who  could  afford  to  do  so  and  were  able  to 
leave  their  business  went  by  train  to  Mersina,  in  order 
either  to  obtain  greater  safety  in  that  city,  owing  to 
its  situation  on  the  sea  coast,  or,  better,  to  fly  to 
Cyprus,   if  time  and  money  were  available. 

On  Wednesday  morning,  April  14th,  the  uneasiness 
in  Adana  was  so  great  that  the  Armenians,  who  had 
opened  their  shops  on  that  day,  began  to  close  them, 
whilst  small  groups  of  Moslems,  armed  with  clubs  and 
provided  with  white  saruks  (bandages)  wound  round 
their  fezzes,  gathered  in  various  quarters  of  the 
city.  By  an  early  hour  the  situation  had  become 
so  serious  that  scarcely  an  Armenian  shop  remained 
open,  and  the  Christian  merchants  were  hastening 
rapidly  homewards.  Khojas,  Moslems,  and  Turks  of 
all  classes  were  purchasing  revolvers  and  other  arms 
in  all  directions. 

In  view  of  the  ever-increasing  anxiety  amongst  the 
people,  Mr.  W.  N.  Chambers,  accompanied  by  his 
nephew,  Mr.  Lawson  Chambers  (to  whom  I  'am  indebted 
for  many  of  my  details  concerning  the  massacre  in 
Adana),  again  went  to  the  Governor  and  impressed  upon 
him  that  immediate  steps  should  be  taken   to   restore 


130  THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

the  confidence  of  the  people,  and  to  ensure  that  public 
security  should  be  adequately  maintained.  While  these 
two  gentlemen  were  with  the  Vali,  the  heads  of  the 
various  Armenian  communities  arrived  to  ask  that  peace 
might  be  preserved  in  the  city.  His  Excellency  made 
the  ?iecessary  promises,  and  arranged  with  the  two 
British  missionaries  to  go  out  into  the  streets  in  order 
to  persuade  the  Armenians  to  open  their  shops.  While 
these  gentlemen  were  actually  occupied  in  endeavouring 
to  reassure  the  people,  they  met  Armenians  who  were 
suffering  from  wounds  inflicted  upon  them  by  Moslems. 

Although  occasional  shots  were  heard  during  the 
early  hours  of  Wednesday,  the  real  battle  between 
Moslems  and  Christians  did  not,  in  fact,  begin  until 
about  II  a.m.  By  that  time  the  streets  of  the  city  were 
entirely  in  possession  of  the  Turks.  The  Armenians, 
who  had  retired  terrified  to  their  own  quarter,  were  only 
represented  by  a  band  of  young  men,  who  had  gathered 
in  the  market  in  order  to  endeavour  to  protect  their 
shops.  It  seems  doubtful  whether  the  Turks  or  the 
Armenians  actually  first  began  the  general  attack.  Each 
party  disown  the  responsibility  of  opening  fire  without 
provocation.  The  Armenians  declare  that  at  first  the 
Christian  warriors  only  fired  into  the  air  and  did  not 
aim  at  the  advancing  bands  of  Moslem  fanatics  until 
their  quarter  was  in  imminent  danger.  However  this 
may  be,  it  is  obvious  that  if  the  Turkish  troops  actually 
at  the  Konak  had  been  sent  to  stop  the  plundering  of 
Armenian  houses,  or  from  the  Turkish  point  of  view 
'*  to  protect  the  Moslems,"  that  the  whole  catastrophe 
might  have  been  averted. 

Throughout  the  day  the  battle  raged.  Many  of 
the  minarets  of  the  mosques  were  occupied  by  Turkish 
soldiers,  who  directed  their  fire,  not  upon  the  looters, 
but  against  the  Armenians  who  were  endeavouring  to 
defend  their  lives  and  property  against  a  pitiless  mob  of 
vandals  and  fanatics.     The  American  School  for  girls 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  131 

was  unremittingly  in  danger  of  either  being  attacked 
or  burnt.  Although  the  building  was  placed  in  a 
rough  state  of  defence  by  placing  mattresses  and  boxes 
before  the  windows,  yet  bullets  penetrated  the  walls 
and  actually  lodged  in  the  partition  which  separated 
the  two  dormitories  in  which  the  girls  were  hidden. 
So  dangerous  was  the  situation  that  large  crowds  of 
Armenians  left  their  own  houses,  some  taking  refuge 
in  the  school  and  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Chambers, 
whilst  others  fled  to  the  Roman  Catholic  schools  and 
Papal  missionary  establishments.  Holes  were  cut  in 
the  house  and  garden  walls  to  enable  communication  to 
be  maintained  as  long  as  possible  between  the  different 
localities  of  refuge  and  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  pass- 
ing from  place  to  place  round  the  winding  streets, 
which  were,  for  the  most  part,  in  the  hands  of  the 
Turks.  It  was  in  crossing  the  only  public  thoroughfare 
that  separates  the  American  School  from  the  house  of 
Mr.  Chambers  that  Havagim  Effendi,  the  Armenian 
pastor,  was  killed,  while  actually  in  the  arms  of  Mr. 
Chambers. 

On  Wednesday  evening.  Major  Doughty  Wylie  (the 
British  Vice-Consul)  arrived  by  train  from  Mersina, 
accompanied  by  Mrs.  Doughty  Wylie.  In  the  morning 
of  that  day  the  Major  had  received  a  message  from 
Mr.  Trypani,  the  British  Dragoman,  that  his  presence 
in  Adana  was  urgently  required.  As  the  train  which 
conveyed  Major  and  Mrs.  Doughty  Wylie  from  Mersina 
approached  Adana  some  of  the  Christian  travellers 
were  threatened  by  the  Moslem  passengers,  and  before 
the  British  Consul  and  his  brave  wife  reached  the 
house  of  Mr.  Trypani,  situated  immediately  opposite 
the  railway -station,  more  than  one  Armenian  was 
murdered  before  their  very  eyes.  Immediately  after 
his  arrival  in  the  city  Major  Doughty  Wylie,  accom- 
panied by  four  soldiers,  made  his  way  to  the  Konak, 
where    he    secured    a    military    escort,    part    of    which 


132  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

he  left  at  the  American  School  and  Mission -house. 
Although  the  approaches  to  the  Christian  quarter  were 
defended  by  Armenians,  who  were  well  armed  and 
secure  in  their  own  houses  and  who  fired  at  every  one 
who  approached  them,  yet  on  this  first  day  of  the 
massacre  no  shot  was  aimed  at  the  Consul  or  his 
party  as  soon  as  he  announced  himself.  In  spite  of 
remonstrance  from  the  inmates,  the  Turkish  guard 
which  was  left  to  ensure  the  safety  of  the  American 
School  ran  away,  and  left  the  foreigners  and  Christian 
girls  only  protected  by  a  band  of  young  Armenian 
warriors. 

Shortly  after  daybreak  on  Thursday,  April  15th 
(fires  and  shooting  had  continued  all  night),  the  Turkish 
troops  arrived  from  Missis — distant  some  five  hours 
from  Adana.  A  few  minutes  after  their  arrival  they 
opened  fire  on  an  Armenian  right  in  front  of  the 
Konak.  This  poor  man,  who  was  killed  afterwards, 
turned  out  to  be  the  driver  of  the  wagon  which  had 
brought  in  the  officers*  luggage.  By  this  time,  too, 
in  addition  to  the  troops  which  were  arriving  in  Adana, 
the  country  people,  fearing  or  hearing  of  danger,  had 
begun  to  move  towards  the  city,  but  were  prevented 
crossing  the  river  and  entering  the  town  by  troops 
stationed  on  the  bridge.  Throughout  the  day  the 
principal  streets  were  lined  with  Bashi-Bazouks,  armed 
with  clubs,  sticks,  and  pistols,  who  claimed  to  be  in 
terror  of  the  Armenians,  who,  they  said,  were  rising 
against  the  Government. 

It  was  on  Thursday  that  the  two  American  mis- 
sionaries, Maurer  and  Rogers,  were  killed.  These  two 
brave  fellows,  who  had  come  to  Adana  for  the  annual 
missionary  conference,  left  the  girls*  school  and  went 
to  put  out  a  fire  on  a  neighbouring  house  which,  if 
it  had  been  allowed  to  continue,  would  have  endangered 
the  safety  of  the  school.  It  seems  pretty  certain  that 
these  two  men  were  shot  by  Turks  to  whom  they  had 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  133 

already  spoken,  and  who  then  had  promised  not  to  harm 
them.  Even  if  these  Turks  had  been  aggravated  by 
the  fire  of  some  Armenians  from  a  neighbouring  house,  it 
was  not  necessary  for  them  to  shoot  these  men,  who  were 
only  occupied  in  extinguishing  a  fire  and  that  for  the 
protection  of  their  own  fellow-countrymen.  The  bodies 
were  carried  into  the  school  and  were  buried  in  the 
yard  teside  the  remains  of  the  Armenian  pastor  who, 
as  I  have  already  said,  was  murdered  in  Mr.  Chambers's 
arms.  As  the  Great  Powers  have  insisted  on  no 
indemnity  to  recompense  their  subjects  for  property 
destroyed  during  the  massacres,  so  has  America  not 
brought  any  decided  pressure  to  bear  upon  the  Ottoman 
Government  as  a  result  of  the  murder  of  two  of  her 
missionaries,  under  circumstances  the  disgraceful 
character  of  which  can  hardly  be   exaggerated. 

On  the  outskirts  of  the  town  between  the  Ottoman 
R^gie  tobacco  factory  and  the  house  of  Mr.  Trypani, 
is  the  Yeni  Mohalle  quarter.  This  part  of  Adana  is 
principally  inhabited  by  Armenians,  who  live  in  small 
detached  houses  surrounded  by  gardens.  It  was  here 
that  Major  Doughty  Wylie,  whilst  endeavouring  to 
ascertain  whether  or  not  some  Turkish  soldiers  had 
been  killed  by  Armenians,  himself  received  a  wound 
which  broke  his  arm  just  above  the  wrist.  A  message 
was  at  once  sent  to  the  Vali  and  the  Ferik  (military 
commander)  that  the  Consul  hoped  that  neither  the 
house  from  which  the  shot  came  nor  its  occupants  would 
be  allowed  to  suffer  owing  to  this  disaster.  It  seems 
probable  that  Major  Doughty  Wylie,  being  dressed  in 
uniform  (he  was  a  Military  Consul),  was,  in  fact,  mis- 
taken by  the  Armenians  for  a  Turkish  officer. 

On  Thursday  evening  the  Armenians,  who  were  by 
this  time  running  short  of  ammunition,  decided  to  try 
to  communicate  with  the  Government  and  thus  to  ask 
for  protection.  The  formal  request,  addressed  to  the 
Vali,  was  taken  to  the  Konak  on  Friday  morning  by  a 


134    THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

friendly  Turkish  khoja,  who  happened  to  reside  in  the 
Armenian  quarter.  In  answer  to  this  letter,  a  large 
company  of  soldiers,  led  by  this  khoja  and  under  the 
command  of  a  Turkish  colonel,  were  sent  to  patrol 
the  streets  and  to  restore  order  in  the  city.  As  this 
motley  procession  passed  through  the  Armenian  quarter, 
it  was  joined  by  some  of  the  leading  members  of  that 
community.  During  the  time  occupied  by  the  march  of 
these  peace-makers  Mr.  W.  N.  Chambers  ascended 
to  the  flat  roof  of  his  house,  from  which  he  could 
command  the  attention  of  both  Turks  and  Armenians, 
and  whilst  waving  a  white  pocket-handkerchief  ordered 
both  parties  to  cease  fire.  A  truce  was  finally  concluded 
at  the  Konak  on  condition  that  the  heads  of  the  so-called 
Armenian  revolutionary  party  agreed  to  certain  con- 
ditions, the  most  important  of  which  was  a  kind  of 
disarmament. 

It  was  thus  on  Friday,  April  i6th,  that  the  first 
massacre,  which  practically  amounted  to  a  drawn  battle, 
was  concluded  in  Adana.  It  is  estimated  that  between 
five  and  six  hundred  Moslems  and  about  seven  hundred 
Armenians  perished  in  the  three  days.  During  the 
ensuing  night  three  or  four  large  fires  broke  out  in 
the  city,  whilst  the  inhabitants  of  Adana  could  discern 
others  in  the  neighbouring  villages  and  vineyards.  The 
magnitude  of  the  disaster  was  even  then  too  obvious  to 
everybody.  Although  it  seems  doubtful  whether  any  of 
the  Bashi-Bazouks,  who  took  so  prominent  a  part  in 
the  massacre,  were  actually  provided  with  arms  by 
the  Turkish  authorities,  yet,  however  this  may  be,  it  is 
certain  that  on  Friday  afternoon  a  party  composed  of 
400  armed  Redifs  and  Bashi-Bazouks,  after  threatening 
the  stationmaster  (a  British  subject)  at  Adana,  seized 
a  train  and  insisted  on  its  being  driven  to  Tarsus. 

After  the  first  massacre  in  Adana,  there  was  a 
respite  of  about  ten  days.  As  part  of  the  city  had 
been   saved   by   the   Armenian   warriors,   and   as   some 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  135 

of  the  Christian  houses  had  not  been  burnt  or  plundered, 
the  people  began  to  look  after  one  another  and  to  treat 
the  wounded.  A  large  number  of  villagers,  who  had  been 
deprived  of  their  homes  and  all  they  possessed, 
flocked  into  the  city  during  this  interregnum  and  joined 
these  Christians,  who  were  gathered  together  in  refuge 
camps  established  in  the  churches,  schools,  factories, 
and  elsewhere.  The  arrival  of  H.M.S.  Swiftsure,  and 
other  foreign  warships,  at  Mersina  did  much  to  re- 
establish some  degree  of  confidence  amongst  the 
Christians. 

Unfortunately,  the  reprieve  was  only  too  brief.  After 
barely  ten  days*  peace,  it  was  on  Sunday,  April  25th, 
that  the  fresh  outbreak  began  in  Adana.  In  the  morn- 
ing everything  seemed  quiet.  Medical  supplies  which 
had  just  arrived  had  been  distributed.  Suddenly, 
towards  the  close  of  afternoon  service  at  the  Protestant 
Church,  the  sound  of  a  few  shots  were  the  signal  for 
an  almost  universal  panic.  The  exact  origin  of  these 
shots  is  still  uncertain.  One  of  the  first  incidents  in 
the  massacre  was  the  firing  on  the  tents  of  the  Salonika 
troops,  who  had  just  reached  Adana.  These  men  were 
camped  on  the  drill-ground  close  to  the  right  bank  of 
the  River  Sihun.  A  report  was  immediately  spread 
that  the  Armenians  had  opened  fire  on  the  troops  from 
a  church  tower  in  the  town.  This  report  must  have 
been  untrue,  as  upon  subsequent  inspection  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  even  if  fire  had  been  directed  from  the 
tower  in  question,  owing  to  the  slope  of  the  ground, 
it  would  have  been  impossible  for  bullets  to  reach  the 
camp.  There  is  another  story,  that  a  party  of  local 
Turks,  dressed  up  as  Armenians,  fired  at  the  Rumeliot 
soldiers  in  order  to  incite  them  to  think  that  a  second 
Armenian  insurrection  had  begun.  Whatever  may  have 
provoked  their  action,  it  is  certain  that  the  European 
soldiers  not  only  opened  fire  on  the  Armenians,  but 
that  they  joined  in  attacking  the  Christian  quarter  of 


136  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

the  city,  and  for  a  time,  at  any  rate,  took  part  in  the 
looting  of  houses  and  killing  of  innocents. 

Owing  to  the  almost  complete  disarmament  of  the 
Armenian  population,  the  second  massacre  was  far  more 
dreadful  than  the  first.  It  is  estimated  that  at  least 
2,000  men,  women,  and  children  perished,  either  by 
the  sword  or  in  the  flames.  The  Armenians  suffered 
at  least  nine-tenths  of  the  losses.  Soon  after  the  com- 
mencement of  the  onslaught  a  destructive  fire  was 
opened  upon  the  Mouseghian  School,  which  contained 
not  only  many  of  those  wounded  in  the  first  massacre, 
but  also  some  2,000  refugees.  The  building  was  later 
set  on  fire.  Shots  were  concentrated  upon  the  school 
from  two  distinct  places,  and  the  firing  became  more 
intense  as  the  pupils  attempted  to  escape  from  the 
flames .  The  hottest  fire  was  directed  from  a  Turkish 
bey's  house  in  the  Armenian  quarter,  where  about  thirty 
soldiers  were  collected.  The  Turks  claim  that  shots 
first  came  from  the  school,  but  if  this  were  really  the 
case,  it  seems  unnatural  that  thirty  soldiers  should  have 
been  collected  ready  to  return  the  fire  from  a  house 
which  had  never  before  been  occupied  by  more  than 
six  privates.  When  the  Armenian  church,  in  which 
some  six  hundred  people  had  collected,  became  in  immi- 
nent danger,  owing  to  the  proximity  of  the  burning 
Mouseghian  School,  the  refugees  were  saved  by  a  brave 
Jesuit  father,  who  rushed  from  the  French  School  to 
the  church,  and  with  the  assistance  of  a  Turkish  officer 
took  the  half -demented  people  to  the  French  College, 
from  which  they  were  again  rescued  by  Major  Doughty 
Wylie   when  this  establishment  was   later  set  on  fire. 

On  Monday  most  of  the  people  from  the  refuge 
camps  were  taken  through  the  deserted,  fire-bordered 
streets  to  a  large,  open,  park-like  space  outside  the 
Konak.  After  the  women  had  been  separated  from 
their  menfolk,  all  were  carefully  examined,  ostensibly 
for  arms,  but  in  reality  probably  in  order  that  those 


3    -^     ,-^55 


-A  •  ?.  ^^  ' 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  137 

undertaking  the  search  might  obtain  any  money  or 
valuables  still  in  the  possession  of  the  Christians.  After 
the  people  had  stood  in  the  burning  sun  all  day  without 
either  fov.^d  or  water,  they  were  allowed  to  depart,  and 
were  compelled  again  to  proceed  through  the  burning 
quarter  from  one  end  of  the  city  to  the  other  in  order  to 
reach  the  factory  of  Mr.  Trypani  and  the  Yeni  Mohalle 
quarter,  situated  opposite  the  railway  station  on  the 
outskirts  of  the  town.  In  Mr.  Trypani's  factory  14,000 
people  were  packed  so  closely  that  they  could  only  sit 
up  and  had  no  space  to  lie  down.  5,000  people  were 
also  accommodated  in  the  German  factory.  During  the 
day,  too,  the  girls  from  the  American  School  were 
taken  for  greater  safety  to  the  British  Consulate,  where 
they  and  their  foreign  teachers  were  compelled  to  spend 
twenty-four  hours  on  famine  rations  (two  small  biscuits 
and  a  cup  of  chocolate  each). 

The  conflagration,  which  continued  uninterruptedly 
until  Tuesday  morning,  destroyed,  not  only  the  whole 
Armenian  residential  quarter,  but  also  the  houses  which 
make  up  the  outlying  districts  of  the  city,  and  which 
were  so  largely  inhabited  by  Christians.  The 
Gregoriar,  Roman  Catholic,  and  Protestant  churches 
were  burnt.  Although  the  uninterrupted  fire  subsided 
on  Tuesday,  the  Jesuit  School  for  girls  and  many  other 
buildings  were  subsequently  destroyed.  The  girls  from 
this  school  had  been  sent  to  Mersina  after  the  massacre 
in  order  10  ensure  them  greater  safety.  As  soon  as 
the  brave  Mother  Superior  had  conducted  her  flock  to 
the  sea  coast  she  returned  to  Adana  to  watch  over  her 
then  deserted  establishment.  This  lady,  who  actually 
spent  nights  utterly  alone  on  the  balcony  abutting  from 
an  upper  storey  room,  only  left  the  building  when  it 
was  finally  set  on  fire  on  the  night  of  May    ist.i 

Never  has  the  burning  of  a  town  been  more 
systematically  carried  out  than  at  Adana  in  1909.  The 
fact  that  kerosene  was  freely  used  to  ignite  the  houses 


138  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

is  only  too  apparent  from  the  numerous  blackened  tins 
which  for  months  told  their  tell-tale  evidence  wherever 
one  turned  throughout  the  ruins.  The  destruction  was 
rendered  the  easier  owing  to  the  manner  in  which  the 
houses  had  been  constructed.  Nearly  all  the  dwellings 
and  shops  had  wooden  planks  built  longways  into  the 
walls,  so  that  as  the  fire  got  hold  of  each  successive 
building  these  layers  of  timber  became  ignited.  The 
burning  of  these  beam-like  wooden  layers  caused  the 
walls  to  fall  in  on  their  occupants.  Moreover,  where 
the  outer  shell  of  a  house  still  remained  standing  after 
the  fire,  the  walls  were  practically  useless  for  recon- 
struction purposes,  owing  to  the  charred  and  rotten  state 
of  the  timbers  of  which  they  were  partly  constructed. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  both  Djevad  Bey  (Governor 
of  the  vilayet)  and  Mustafa  Remsi  Pasha  (the  Military 
Commander  at  Adana),  if  not  the  actual  cause  of  the 
outbreak  in  Southern  Asia  Minor,  were  by  their 
cowardly  conduct  entirely  responsible  for  the  propor- 
tions which  it  assumed.  From  the  moment  when 
Djevad  Bey  assured,  not  only  the  Armenian  dignitaries 
but  also  the  British  subjects  at  Adana,  that  no  disturb- 
ance would  occur  until  the  second  massacre  was  over, 
neither  the  Vali  nor  Mustafa  Remsi  Pasha  took  any 
adequate  measures  to  restore  public  order.  Whether 
it  was  a  Christian  revolution  against  the  Government 
or  a  Turkish  massacre  of  Armenians,  and  whoever  and 
whatever  was  the  cause  of  the  outbreak,  it  must  have 
been  the  duty  of  the  local  officials  who  represented  the 
Government  either  to  re-establish  tranquility  or  to  risk 
losing  their  lives  whilst  attempting  to  perform  those 
obligations  with  which  they  were  entrusted.  Mustafa 
Remsi  Pasha,  who  ventured  into  the  streets  during  the 
early  hours  of  April  14th,  turned  away  from  wherever 
he  heard  firing  and  finally  bolted  to  the  Konak  as  soon 
as  any  real  danger  became  apparent.  This  soldier, 
together  with  the  Vali,  did  not  again  leave  the  govern- 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  139 

merit  buildings  until  the  first  massacre  was  over. 
During  the  first  massacre,  and  while  Djevad  Bey  and 
Mustafa  Remsi  Pasha  were  cowering  upstairs,  the  yard 
which  surrounds  the  government  offices  was  crowded 
with  soldiers,  but  no  orders  were  given  to  the  men 
that  they  should  patrol  the  streets  or  take  adequate 
measures  to  protect  the  population.  Armenians  were 
killed,  not  only  in  the  very  presence  of  the  Governor  and 
his  military  companion,  but  also,  as  I  have  already  said, 
in  the  courtyard  immediately  beneath  the  windows  of  the 
rooms  in  which  these  dastards  were  seeking  their  own 
safety.  Whether  or  not  arms  were  actually  distributed 
to  civilians  with  the  consent  of  the  Vali  is  uncertain, 
but  it  is  undeniable  that  the  term  "  Redif  "  was  v^ry 
broadly  interpreted,  and  it  seems  almost  certain  that 
anybody  who  claimed  to  be  in  the  reserve  was  provided 
with  arms  and  ammunition. 

Between  the  two  massacres,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
a  systematic  house  to  house  search  for  all  arms  was 
nominally  instituted,  it  seems  pretty  clear,  in  view  of 
what  subsequently  occurred,  that  only  the  weapons 
owned  by  Armenians  were  carefully  collected.  After 
the  first  massacre,  too,  when  the  arrival  of  H.M.S. 
Swiftsure  and  other  warships  at  Mersina  was  imminent, 
the  Vali  strongly  protested  against  any  armed  sailors 
or  marines  being  landed,  and  asked  if  the  guard  pro- 
vided at  the  British  Consulate  was  insufficient.  His 
Excellency,  having  been  informed  that  the  foreigners 
wished  to  relieve  him  of  as  much  anxiety  as  possible, 
and  to  set  the  Turkish  troops  free  to  restore  order  in 
the  city,  replied  that  there  was  no  danger  whatever, 
and  that  to  land  armed  men,  especially  in  a  con- 
stitutional country,  was  a  serious  matter.  A  few  British 
marines  went  to  Adana  to  assist  in  the  work  of  relief, 
but  no  armed  force  was  landed.  The  second  massacre 
occurred.  I  shall  discuss  the  punishment  inflicted  upon 
Djevad  Bey  and  Mustafa  Remsi  Pasha  elsewhere. 


140  THE  DANGER  ZONE  ?OF  EUROPE 


Not  only  throughout  the  massacre,  but  during 
many  months  of  distress  which  followed  it,  the 
Adana  governmental  authorities  and  the  Moslem 
inhabitants  demonstrated  their  unfair  and  unfriendly 
attitude  towards  the  Christian  section  of  the  popu- 
lation. Such  was  the  feeling  of  racial  hatred  that 
during  the  massacre  Armenian  shops  were  systemati- 
cally searched  in  order  to  make  certain  that  the  account- 
books  of  their  owners  were  destroyed,  thus  ensuring 
that  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  Christian  survivors 
of  the  outrage  to  collect  their  debts  from  those  who 
were  unwilling  to  pay  them.  Even  when  neighbours 
had  been  on  most  cordial  terms  before  the  massacre, 
little  or  no  sympathy  was  extended  by  a  Mohammedan 
family  to  a  homeless  and  destitute  Christian.  Although 
it  would  obviously  have  been  difficult  for  a  Moslem  to 
give  a  Christian  family  shelter  in  his  house,  yet  if  the 
massacre  had  been  the  result  of  the  fear  of  an  Armenian 
rising,  as  soon  as  the  imaginary  danger  was  past,  it 
would  have  been  easy  for  Mohammedans  to  do  little 
acts  of  kindness,  which  were,  in  fact,  conspicuous  by 
their  absence.  The  efforts  at  collecting  plunder  taken 
from  the  Armenian  houses  were  farcical.  Nothing 
efficient  was  done,  and  an  insignificant  portion  of  the 
booty  was  restored.  The  little  plunder  collected  was 
taken  to  the  government  offices,  where  it  was  stored 
to  await  the  arrival  of  a  few  people  who  found  some  of 
their  goods.  It  was  an  indignity  for  Armenian  women 
first  to  be  obliged  to  go  to  the  Konak  and  hunt  for  their 
possessions,  in  the  presence  of  soldiers  who  had  often 
taken  part  in  the  massacre,  and  afterwards,  should  they 
by  chance  find  any  article,  to  be  compelled  to  carry 
it  through  the  ruined  streets  and  past  coffee-houses 
filled  with  curious  Moslem  onlookers. 

Immediately  after  the  first  massacre  in  Adana  an 
International  Relief  Committee  was  formed,  under  the 
presidency   of   Major   Doughty   Wylie.      During   many 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  141 

weeks  of  acute  distress  this  Committee  (entirely  pro- 
vided with  funds  by  voluntary  subscriptions  from  the 
outside  world)  distributed  food  to  starving  people, 
established  hospitals  for  the  sick,  and  provided  rough 
shelters  for  the  refugees.  The  Germans  also  fed  a 
large  number  of  people  in  their  cotton  factory  at  Adana. 
After  the  Ottoman  Government  began  to  supply 
refugees  with  food,  the  International  Committee  turned 
its  attention  to  providing  more  lasting  comforts  for 
the  inhabitants.  Bedding  and  other  necessities  were 
served  out  to  the  people  rendered  absolutely  destitute 
by  the  losses  which  they  had  suffered  during  the 
massacre.  Six  weeks  after  the  massacre  it  is  calculated 
that  out  of  the  i  5,000  people  actually  refugees  at  Adana 
10,000  had  not  even  a  change  of  underclothing — a 
necessity  so  vital,  not  only  to  comfort  but  to  health. 

After  a  massacre  one  of  the  greatest  difficulties  to 
be  overcome  by  those  who  are  trying  to  relieve  the 
sufferers  is  how  to  provide  the  means  by  which  the 
survivors  can  earn  an  honest  livelihood.  The  Inter- 
national Committee  at  first  hoped  to  be  able  to  supply 
artisans  with  new  implements  with  which  to  carry  on 
their  former  trades,  but  owing  to  expense  this  was 
found  to  be  impracticable,  and  small  sums  of  money 
were  therefore  distributed  to  workmen  in  order  to 
enable  them  to  provide  themselves  with  tools.  When 
I  was  in  Adana,  about  1,500  workmen  had  received 
assistance,  at  a  cost  of  some  £T3,ooo.  I  actually  saw 
many  of  these  people — barbers,  shoemakers,  tailors,  or 
tin-smiths,  besides  those  of  sundry  other  trades — sitting 
amongst  ruined  walls  (where  once  their  shops  existed) 
carrying  on  their  respective  trades.  In  some  cases 
the  re -equipped  tradesmen  were  sheltered  from  the  sun 
or  rain  by  rough  roofs  made  out  of  bits  of  kerosene 
tins — the  contents  of  which  had  actually  been  used 
to  burn  the  city — whilst  in  others  the  labourers  had 
not    even    a    canopy    above    their    heads.      A    certain 


142  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

number  of  Armenians,  thus  provided  with  money,  used 
the  sums  which  they  received  to  enable  them  to 
emigrate,  generally  to  America,  but  such  cases  were 
not  very  common.  As  great  difficulty  was  experienced 
in  finding  work  for  the  destitute  women,  some  widows 
were  provided  with  sewing-machines.  With  the  object 
of  further  assisting  the  women  of  the  Adana  district 
Mrs.  Shepard  (the  wife  of  the  well-known  American 
missionary  doctor),  who  some  eighteen  years  ago  so 
successfully  founded  an  embroidery  industry  at  Aintab, 
was  invited  by  Djemal  Bey,  the  new  Vali,  to  establish 
a  branch  of  her  work  in  Adana.  Owing  to  the  initia- 
tive of  his  Excellency  a  liberal  allowance  was  made 
by  the  Government  Relief  Committee  in  order  to  allow 
this  industry  to  be  started  on  a  satisfactory  basis. 

At  the  time  of  my  visit  to  Adana  the  International 
Committee  had  repaired  365  houses  containing  about 
476  rooms.  Each  room  accommodates  a  family.  Where 
both  apartments  of  a  house  which  formerly  consisted 
of  two  rooms  were  rebuilt  by  the  Committee,  the  owner 
was  obliged  to  sign  a  contract  undertaking  to  make 
over  his  second  room  to  the  Committee  for  the  use  of 
another  family  for  three  years.  Armenians  were  as 
far  as  possible  employed  upon  the  work  of  reconstruc- 
tion, and  the  owners  or  tenants,  both  men  and  women, 
gave  their  time  without  wages,  thereby  rendering  it 
possible  to  construct  better  houses  than  an  outlay  of 
only  £T8  per  room  (the  sum  allowed  by  the  Committee) 
would  cover. 

The  situation  was  steadily  improving  when  the 
torrential  rains,  which  had  been  prevailing  in  the 
district  for  a  week  or  ten  days,  culminated  in  a  flood 
which  swept  through  Adana  on  November  13th.  The 
chief  street  of  the  town  was  like  a  vast  flowing  river. 
So  great  was  the  volume  of  water  that  only  those 
mounted  on  horses  or  prepared  to  sink  in  up  to  their 
thighs    could   move   about    the    lower   quarters    of   the 


'■'/k 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  143 

city.  Many  refugees  were  again  compelled  to  take 
shelter  in  various  solidly  constructed  buildings  ;  the  new- 
Mission  hospital,  owing  to  the  fact  that  it  possessed  an 
upper  story,  was  a  favourable  resort.  Men  and  women 
not  fortunate  enough  to  reach  any  place  of  safety  were 
in  some  cases  driven  to  pass  a  whole  night  clinging  to 
the  trees.  Loss  of  life  was  prevented  by  the  fore- 
thought of  Djemal  Bey,  who,  as  soon  as  the  magnitude 
of  the  disaster  became  apparent,  sent  carts  to  bring 
in  the  inhabitants  from  the  outlying  districts  of  the 
town  and  to  deposit  them  in  safer  localities.  Not  only 
were  about  half  the  houses  actually  repaired  by  the 
International  Relief  Committee  rendered  untenable  by 
this  inroad  of  water,  but  it  is  estimated  that  the  total 
damage   amounted  to  no   less   than  £T  100,000. 

Almost  directly  after  the  massacres  the  Turkish 
Government  subscribed  £T30,ooo  towards  the  relief 
of  the  sufferers  at  Adana.  Nearly  half  this  amount  was 
expended,  or  more  truthfully  wasted,  by  a  committee 
under  the  presidency  of  Abdul  Kadir  Bagdadi  (who 
was  subsequently  exiled  from  Adana  owing  to  his 
conduct  before  and  during  the  massacres).  When  it 
was  discovered  that  the  administration  of  this  sum  was 
not  being  satisfactorily  carried  out,  a  new  committee 
was  formed  to  take  over  the  work  which  previously 
had  not  been  properly  managed.  Subsequently  the 
Turkish  Government  undertook  to  vote  £T 2 00, 000  for 
the  assistance  of  the  sufferers  in  the  Adana  and  the  sur- 
rounding districts.  This  sum  was  distributed  by  a 
committee  under  the  presidency  of  the  Vali  of  Adana. 
As  Mustafa  Zihni  Pasha,  the  Governor  of  the  province, 
who  succeeded  Djevad  Bey  almost  directly  after  the 
massacre,  quite  failed  to  get  the  goodwill  of  the 
Christians,  but  little  was  done  to  carry  out  the  work  of 
governmental  relief  until  after  the  arrival  of  Ahmed 
Djemal  Bey  during  the  month  of  August.  His  Excel- 
lency at  once  organised  a  committee  on  a  satisfactory 


144  THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

basis.  The  £T2oo,ooo  provided  by  the  Government 
was  divided  into  two  equal  parts.  The  first  £T  100,000 
was  a  present  from  the  country  and  was  utilised  to 
give  immediate  relief  to  the  sufferers,  to  supply  shelter 
for  the  homeless,  to  establish  a  reserve  fund  to  be 
devoted  to  setting  up,  not  only  tradesmen  but  also 
smaller  farmers  in  their  former  occupations,  and  to 
allotting  special  sums  with  which  to  provide  work  for 
the  destitute.  The  second  £T  100,000  was  a  loan  given 
by  the  Government,  on  easy  terms,  to  larger  farmers, 
merchants,  and  more  important  tradesmen. 

:((  *  :ic  *  )ic 

After  the  completion  of  this  chapter  at  the  end 
of  December,  1910,  the  Armenian  Catholicus  of 
Echmiadzin,  to  whom  I  have  referred,  died  of  apoplexy. 
His  successor,  who  will  be  elected  by  representatives 
sent  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  has  not  yet  been 
chosen. 


THE  ARMENIAN   MASSACRES   OF  APRIL,    1909 

(continued) 

The  massacre  in  Tarsus — The  story  of  an  escape  from  Kozolouk — The 
massacres  at  Hamidieh,  Abdul  Oglou,  and  Antioch — The  defence 
of  Hajin,  Durtyol,  and  Shehr  Murad — A  few  towns  which  narrowly 
escaped  a  massacre. 

It  was  on  a  hot  October  afternoon  that  I  arrived  at 
Tarsus.  Thanks  to  the  kindness  of  Mrs.  Christie,  the 
wife  of  Dr.  Christie  of  St.  Paul's  College,  as  a  stranger 
arriving  in  this  '*  no  mean  city,"  I  was  met  at  the  station 
and  driven  up  to  the  College  by  one  of  the  clever, 
intelligent  graduates  of  this  Mission  establishment.  Mrs. 
Christie,  who  was  in  sole  charge  of  the  refugees  at 
the  time  of  the  massacre  (Dr.  Christie  had  gone  to 
Adana  for  the  Mission  conference),  received  me  with 
that  bright,  radiant  smile  which  is  always  so  welcome 
to  a  traveller  in  whatever  land  he  may  be  greeted  by  it. 
After  Adana  and  Mersina,  Tarsus  is  the  most  im- 
portant town  on  the  Cilician  Plain.  The  birthplace 
of  St.  Paul,  which  is  situated  about  half-way  between 
the  Taurus  Mountains  and  the  Mediterranean,  lies 
scarcely  a  mile  distant  from  the  right  bank  of  the 
River  Cydnus.  Picturesque  gardens  containing  many 
fruit-trees  almost  entirely  surround  the  town.  The 
modern  quarter  of  the  city  is  made  up  of  mud  and 
stone  built  houses  which  border  narrow  winding  streets. 
The  American  Mission  establishment,  known  as  St. 
Paul's  College,  which,  as  I  shall  explain  hereafter,  was 

10  145 


146  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

the  means  of  saving  the  lives  of  so  many  Armenians 
during  the  massacre,  is  situated  near  the  western 
extremity  of  the  town.  Beyond  it,  and  at  a  distance 
of  but  a  few  hundred  yards,  are  the  barracks,  standing 
in  the  midst  of  the  military  parade-ground.  The 
railway-station  on  the  Mersina-Adana  line,  by  which 
so  many  murderers  arrived  from  Adana,  lies  just  within 
the  northern  suburbs  of  the  city.  A  large  number  of 
Fellahs  form  part  of  the  population.  These  people, 
who  believe  in  a  secret  religion,  and  whose  women  do 
not  veil,  live  for  the  most  part  in  reed-like  huts, 
situated  amidst  the  gardens  which  surround  the  town. 

It  was  on  Wednesday,  April  14th,  that  the  danger 
of  some  disaster  became  apparent  in  Tarsus.  On  that 
day  after  200  Redifs  had  been  sent  by  special  train  to 
Adana,  the  Christians,  almost  in  a  state  of  panic,  were 
assured  by  the  Turkish  Governor  that  no  disturbances 
would  occur.  On  the  morrow  (Thursday),  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  the  first  rumours  of  the  massacre  at  Adana 
reached  Tarsus,  and  although  there  were  hardly  any 
Turkish  soldiers  in  the  town,  the  Armenian  shops  were 
opened  as  usual.  It,  however,  soon  became  apparent 
that  the  state  of  the  city  was  far  from  tranquil  ;  for 
when  the  morning  train  arrived  from  Adana,  a  loud  noise 
was  heard  in  the  direction  of  the  station.  Immediately 
afterwards  a  large  mob  ran  to  the  barracks,  and  not- 
withstanding the  protests  of  the  Turkish  officer  in 
charge,  insisted  upon  rushing  the  building  and  dis- 
tributing arms  and  ammunition  to  the  assembled  crowd. 
Owing  to  the  arming  of  Moslems,  Christians  began  to 
crowd  into  the  yard  of  the  American  College,  both  on 
Wednesday  and  on  Thursday. 

Not,  however,  until  Friday  morning  did  the  real 
troubles  in  Tarsus  begin.  The  massacre  first  broke 
out  at  the  station  when  the  200  malefactors,  mostly 
Kurdish  Bashi-Bazouks,  who  had  seized  a  special 
train  in  Adana,  reached  the  city.     After  their  arrival. 


i 


Ml 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  147 

these  travellers  were  joined  by  many  of  the  Afghans, 
who  live  in  the  suburbs  and  by  some  of  the  worst 
of  the  native  Turks.  A  few  Armenians,  who  were 
trying  to  leave  for  Mersina^  were  killed  before  they 
could  enter  the  train,  and  more  would  have  perished 
had  it  not  been  for  the  courage  of  the  stationmaster . 
The  crowd  of  Bashi-Bazouks  and  others  then  went  to 
the  armoury  attached  to  the  barracks,  where  they 
obtained  several  hundred  rifles  and  a  supply  of  ammu- 
nition. An  onlooker,  whose  credibility  is  vouched  for, 
thus  described  the  scene  to  me  : 

"  I  was  standing  near  the  barracks  when  I  heard 
shouting  and  saw  a  great  multitude  coming  towards 
me.  When  they  approached  the  barracks,  one  of  the 
leaders  showed  a  telegram  to  the  military  commander, 
and  to  other  officers  who  were  standing  at  the  door 
of  the  barracks,  saying  at  the  same  time,  *  Why  do  you 
demur?  The  infidels  have  murdered  all  the  Turks  ; 
be  quick,  distribute  arms  to  these  people.  As  a  result 
of  these  words,  the  crowd,  having  been  provided  with 
arms,   rushed  to  the  Armenian  quarter." 

The  leader  of  this  mob  was  a  well-known  Young 
Turk  in  Tarsus,  and  at  that  time  was  said  actually  to  be 
an  important  member  of  the  local  Committee  of  Union 
and  Progress.  My  informant,  although  a  Christian,  was 
believed  to  be  a  Moslem  Arab,  as  he  speaks  Arabic  for 
his  mother  tongue. 

Although,  if  the  near-by  farms  and  villages  are 
taken  into  account,  some  500  Christians  perished 
in  and  around  Tarsus,  yet  not  more  than  about 
100  people  were  really  killed  in  the  city  itself.  This 
comparatively  small  loss  of  life  was  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  object  of  the  Moslems  was  to  loot  and  to 
destroy  the  Christian  houses  rather  than  to  murder 
their  inmates.  The  pillaging  was  most  systematically 
carried  out.  After  the  houses  had  been  completely 
devastated,  they  were  ignited — their  complete  destruc- 


148  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

tion  being  insured  by  means  of  burning  kerosene. 
During  the  afternoon  and  evening  of  this  '*  Black  " 
Friday  the  illumination  from  the  burning  houses  (some 
800  of  which  were  entirely  destroyed)  was  so  powerful 
that  when  darkness  came,  it  was  actually  possible  to 
read  and  to  sign  papers  by  its  light.  Very  few 
Armenian  shops  were  destroyed,  owing  to  the  fact  that 
it  was  difficult  for  the  pillagers  to  make  sure  of  the 
religion  of  the  owner  of  any  premises  situated  without 
the  Armenian  residential  quarter  (at  Tarsus  the  Turkish 
and  the  Christian  bazaars  do  not,  as  at  Adana,  occupy 
distinct  quarters  of  the  city). 

The  Christians  made  practically  no  resistance,  and 
as  soon  as  the  massacre  began  the  people,  naturally, 
only  too  anxious  to  take  refuge  in  some  place  of  safety, 
were  actually  driven  and  hustled  by  representatives  of 
the  Government  into  the  yard  of  the  American  College. 
No  attempt  was  made  by  the  mob  to  prevent  people 
from  obtaining  shelter,  and  more  than  3,000  were  soon 
under  the  protection  of  Mrs.  Christie.  Some  400 
others,  less  fortunate  than  those  who  were  able  to  reach 
a  place  of  safety  at  once,  spent  the  first  night  in  the 
swamps  which  border  the  River  Cydnus,  and  arrived  at 
the  College  next  day.  As  the  object  of  the  Moslems 
in  Tarsus  does  not  seem  to  have  been  murder,  the 
Government  provided  the  school  with  a  guard,  and 
soldiers  actually  brought  in  wounded  and  helpless 
Armenians  to  receive  succour  from  the  Americans. 

Such  was  his  broad-mindedness  that  at  least  one 
Turk — a  teacher  of  his  language  in  the  College — assisted 
in  the  work  of  feeding  the  refugees  by  procuring  milk 
for  the  babies  and  food  for  the  hungry.  So  great  was 
the  devotion  of  this  man  to  his  fellow-teachers  and 
pupils  that,  dressed  as  a  Kurd,  he  rode  with  one  of  the 
bravest  of  the  students  (also  in  disguise)  to  Mersina, 
a  distance  of  eighteen  miles,  in  order  to  convey  dis- 
patches describing  the  danger  at  Tarsus  to  the  foreign 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  149 

consuls  residing  at  the  coast.  During  the  anxious  days 
which  followed  the  massacre  four  victims  died  at  the 
American  College,  their  places  in  the  population  of  the 
yard  being  filled  by  four  new-born  '*  massacre  "  babies. 

Although  the  massacre  in  Tarsus  was  less  terrible 
than  that  in  Adana,  and,  without  doubt,  less  awful  than 
those  which  took  place  in  the  smaller  villages,  yet  the 
destruction  of  both  houses  and  property  left  the  sur- 
vivors in  great  distress.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  the  poorer 
Armenians  not  only  lost  their  houses,  shops,  cows,  or 
other  animals,  by  means  of  which  they  gained  a  liveli- 
hood, but  even  were  they  able  to  re-establish  themselves 
in  business,  they  found  themselves  almost  without 
customers.  The  better  class  Armenians  had  either 
perished  or  at  least  had  lost  all  their  worldly  goods 
in  the  massacre,  and  were,  therefore,  not  in  a  position 
to  purchase  even  the  barest  necessities  from  their  co- 
religionists . 

Most  of  the  larger  Armenian  houses  in  this  part  of 
the  country  are  occupied  by  their  owners,  and  are 
surrounded  by  yards  or  gardens.  Within  these  yards 
are  often  constructed  a  row  of  rooms,  each  of  which  is 
tenanted  by  a  whole  family,  and  rented  at  £T3  per  year. 
Whilst  I  was  in  Tarsus  I  visited  some  of  these  abodes, 
the  condition  of  one  or  two  of  which  I  specially  recall 
to  memory.  In  one  instance  a  husband,  wife,  and 
three  children  shared  one  tiny  room.  Some  boards 
had  been  arranged  in  the  corner  for  the  accommodation 
of  the  children.  One  boy  was  seriously  ill  with 
dysentery,  whilst  another  infant,  although  it  was  two 
years  old,  was  hardly  larger  than  a  normal  baby  aged 
six  months.  This  child  had  been  pronounced  by  the 
doctor  to  be  in  a  hopeless  condition,  and  therefore  the 
mother  was  taking  hardly  any  trouble  in  attending  to 
it.  Another  house,  or  more  correctly  speaking,  a  single 
room,  was  occupied  by  an  old  woman,  her  almost 
paralysed   son,    a   widowed   daughter,    who   was   nearly 


150  THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

blind,  and  two  grandchildren,  besides  two  or  three 
donkeys.  The  room,  although  larger  than  the  last 
which  I  described,  was  nearly  dark  and  partly  dug 
out  below  the  level  of  the  ground.  Over  part  of  the 
floor  space  a  sort  of  raised  platform,  forming  a  kind 
of  upper  story,  had  been  rigged  up.  The  inmates 
of  this  abode  only  paid  rent  amounting  to  £T2  per 
year,  owing  to  their  providing  accommodation  for  two 
donkeys  which  belonged  to  a  neighbour  who  had  no 
space  for  them.  This  entire  family  owed  its  support 
to  the  granddaughter,  aged  fifteen  years,  who,  when 
times  were  good,  was  wont  to  make  about  nine  shillings 
a  month  at  the  local  cotton  mill,  and  to  the  combined 
wages,  amounting  to  about  2d.  per  day,  earned  by  the 
old  people  for  cotton -picking. 

As  I  have  already  said,  the  massacres  which  took 
place  in  certain  villages  near  Tarsus  were  some  of  the 
most  terrible  in  the  entire  devastated  district.  For 
example,  Kozolouk  was  an  Armenian  village  of  about 
seventy-five  houses,  situated  in  the  mountains  about 
fifteen  miles  to  the  north  of  Tarsus.  There  were  two 
churches  and  also  at  least  one  school.  Although  I  dare 
not  tell  my  readers  the  details  of  the  massacre  in  which 
some  150  souls  perished,  and  during  which  two 
churches,  two  schools,  and  sixty-eight  houses  were 
pillaged  and  burnt,  yet  I  propose  to  recount  the  story 
of  the  escape  of  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Kozolouk. 
The  woman  who  told  me  the  story  of  her  flight,  and 
who  spoke  in  fairly  good  English  on  behalf  of  herself 
and  her  sister,  had  resided  fourteen  years  in  England, 
and  had  only  left  this  country  at  the  end  of  1907  in 
order,  owing  to  ill-health,  to  be  able  to  pass  the  winter 
in  Egypt.  I  have  made  as  few  alterations  as  possible 
in  the  language  of  this  account,  because  I  feel  that 
the  experience  is  more  realistically  described  in  the 
words  of  those  who  passed  through  it.  Not  only  is 
the  reliability  of  these  people  vouched  for  by  foreigners 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  151 

who  know  them,  but  it  was  quite  clear  from  the  conduct 
of  the  women  whilst  telling  their  story,  as  well  as 
from  the  manner  in  which  they  replied  to  my  sundry 
questions,  that  they  were  telling  the  truth  and  nothing 
beyond  the  truth. 

Miss  Karamanli  informed  me  that  she  had  only 
returned  to  Asia  Minor  in  April,  1909,  in  order  to  see 
her  sister  and  to  visit  Kozolouk,  her  native  village,  once 
more.  It  was  her  intention  to  spend  a  quiet  summer  on 
the  Cilician  Plain,  and  then  to  go  abroad  again.  She  said  : 

**  I  arrived  at  Kozolouk  late  in  the  evening  of 
Saturday,  April  loth.  At  dawn  on  Friday, 
April  1 6th,  when  I  had  been  only  a  few  days  in  the 
village  and  had  hardly  been  about  at  all,  we  found 
ourselves  faced  by  an  attack  from  a  multitude  of  wild 
Turks,  an  attack  the  horror  of  which  was  totally  beyond 
our  conception.  Two  days  earlier  (April  14th)  some 
Armenian  farmers,  after  they  had  been  beaten  and 
threatened  by  Turks,  had  come  back  to  the  village  from 
a  farm  some  three  hours  distant.  Therefore  on  that 
evening  (April  14th)  two  persons  were  sent  to  the 
city  of  Tarsus  to  give  information  about  this  affair. 
In  the  meantime  the  Turks,  who  were  surrounding  the 
village,  and  of  whom  the  inhabitants  were  naturally 
much  frightened,  reassured  the  people  and  said  they 
had  nothing  to  fear.  The  next  day  (April  15th)  three 
gendarmes  arrived  at  the  village,  saying,  *  We  have 
two  orders  with  us,  one  from  Dr.  Christie  and  one 
from  the  Government  ;  therefore,  hurry  up,  assemble  to 
hear  the  orders.'  At  the  same  time  they  invited  the 
crowd  outside  (who  had  been  trying  to  attack  the  village 
for  two  days,  but  who  were  afraid  to  enter,  owing  to 
the  attitude  of  the  villagers)  to  come  in  and  listen  to 
the  proclamations.  The  gendarmes  then  addressed  the 
assembly  of  people,  telling  them  that  the  order  which 
they  brought  was  an  order  for  their  safety,  that  there 
was  nothing  for  them  to  be  afraid  of,  and  that   they 


152  THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

were  to  go  to  their  own  houses  and  take  their  ease. 
But  before  many  minutes  had  passed  two  of  the 
gendarmes  had  left  us  and  gone  away.  The  other,  as 
though  in  a  most  friendly  way,  tried  to  persuade  the 
people  to  give  up  their  arms,  and  said  if  they  did  so 
he  would  disperse  the  enemy.  Whatever  was  said 
we  accepted  with  perfect  confidence.  We  were  confident 
believing  the  order  was  true. 

'*  The  man  who  in  the  early  evening  of  April  i  5th 
had  proclaimed  safety  to  the  village  came  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  1 6th,  saying,  *  Hurry  up,  make  haste,  leave 
the  village  at  once  !  *  We  in  great  confusion  came  forth 
and  saw  the  village  full  of  cannibal-like  people  staring 
at  us,  and  ready  to  rush  upon  us.  People  dressed  in 
any  clothes  they  could  get.  I  was  obliged  to  seize 
a  native  costume,  and  went  out  with  bare  feet.  Mothers 
with  their  three,  four,  even  seven  children,  old  men  and 
sick  people,  brides  and  bridegrooms,  maidens  and  young 
men,  in  the  hurried  escape  all  lost  one  another.  The 
people  left  the  village  in  many  different  parties.  Here 
and  there  some  who  had  become  separated  were  re- 
united. Thus  running  from  mountain  to  mountain, 
some  of  us  were  suddenly  shot  down,  whilst  others 
were  wounded  and  left  lying  by  the  way.  When  now 
and  then  we  tried  to  look  at  our  village,  we  saw  the 
rising  flames,  and  heard  the  firing  of  guns,  and  the 
hurrying  of  horses  carrying  away  all  that  we  had  left  in 
the  village.  Our  minds  were  in  such  a  state  of  con- 
fusion that  we  had  no  time  to  think  in  which  direction 
we  were  going.  My  sister  and  I  had  joined  a  party 
in  which  our  pastor  was  taking  flight.  There  were 
over  100  of  us  in  all.  During  the  day  thirteen  men 
'were  killed.  .  .  .  We  spent  the  night  in  a  small 
Turkish  village  a  few  hours  distant  from  Kozolouk, 
where  we  were  given  some  food. 

**  Our  second  day  began  in  a  very  horrible  way. 
Early  in  the  morning  the  same  crowd  surrounded  the 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  153 

village.  In  one  small  room  over  loo  of  us  were  packed. 
We  were  aware  of  their  plans  and  knew  that  each 
moment  was  drawing  us  nigh  to  death.  They  tried  to 
make  each  one  a  Mohammedan.  .  .  .  Suddenly  they 
took  us  out  to  an  open  place  where  the  same  mob  had 
armed  themselves.  The  Moslems  were  arranged  along 
a  roof  ready  to  shoot  us  all  at  once.  My  sister  and  I 
crouched  behind  a  horse.  At  this  very  moment  several 
men  arrived  on  horseback  and  said  :  *  There  is  an  order 
now  ;  don't  you  fear,  you  are  now  delivered.'  We  were 
then  divided  up  into  parties  to  be  taken  to  different 
villages.  .  .  .  Our  party,  which  consisted  of  about  five 
men  and  twenty -five  women,  hurried  on,  following  a 
Moslem,  whom  we  had  never  seen  before.  As  if  by 
a  miracle,  after  being  threatened  with  death  by  several 
policemen,  and  only  having  escaped  owing  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Moslem  who  accompanied  us,  we  came 
at  last  to  a  village  where  we  learned  there  had  already 
been  a  massacre  the  day  before.  The  villagers  wanted 
us  to  be  taken  out  of  their  village,  but  as  we  were  too 
tired  to  walk  any  farther,  the  chief  man  of  the  village 
took  us  in  and  kept  us.  A  room  in  the  centre  of  the 
village  was  got  ready  for  us  and  we  were  given  food. 
In  the  evening  the  head  man  of  the  village  came 
and  spent  some  time  with  us,  and  at  night  two  Moslems 
were  left  to  guard  and  look  after  us.  We  spent  three 
days  and  nights  in  this  village.  Part  of  the  time  wei 
were  guarded  by  Moslem  guards,  and  occasionally  the 
head  man  of  the  village  paid  us  visits.  We  expected 
all  the  time  that  we  should  be  treacherously  murdered 
as  part  of  our  company  had  already  been.  While  we 
were  in  this  village  some  of  us  were  employed  by  the 
Moslem  women  to  make  and  mend  clothes  for  them. 
At  the  end  of  three  days  a  man  came  and  told  us  that 
it  had  been  decided  to  send  us  all  to  Tarsus.  We 
were  conducted  to  this  city  by  the  same  man  who  had 
brought    us    safely    to    his    village    three    days    before. 


154  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

On  the  way  down  we  met  Moslem  women  who  wanted  to 
stone  us,  but  were  not  allowed  to  do  so  by  our  pro- 
tector. The  Government  would  not  permit  us  to  leave 
the  han  in  which  we  were  housed  in  Tarsus,  but  I 
escaped  by  pretending  I  must  see  my  sister,  who  had 
been  allowed  to  go  over  to  the  American  school  in 
charge  of  a  sick  girl." 

The  teller  of  this  story  was  naturally  a  witness  of 
the  brutal  acts  by  which  so  large  a  number  of  men, 
women,  and  children  actually  perished.  For  obvious 
reasons  I  have  been  obliged  to  omit  many  of  the  details 
described  by  my  informant.  My  readers  may  wonder 
why  the  little  party  of  thirty  souls  were  allowed  to 
escape  from  what  for  days  appeared  to  them  to  be 
certain  death.  The  probable  answer  is,  that  finally 
only  five  men  were  left  in  the  party,  and  that  the  twenty- 
five  women  were,  for  the  most  part,  above  middle-age 
and,  therefore,  were  not  required  by  the  Moslems  for 
their  harems. 

Although  the  events  which  occurred  both  in  Adana 
and  in  Tarsus  were  more  horrible  than  anybody  who 
has  not  visited  the  scene  of  devastation,  and  who  has 
not  heard  the  stories  of  woe,  could  believe,  yet  it  was 
not  until  I  drove  across  the  Cilician  Plain  that  I  actually 
realised,  not  only  the  magnitude  and  horror  of  the 
massacre  which  had  actually  taken  place,  but  also  the 
intense  hardships  to  which  the  Christians  were  sub- 
jected, as  a  result  of  the  losses  which  they  had  sustained 
in  it.  More  than  200  villages  were  attacked.  Men 
were  murdered,  whilst  women  and  children  were,  at  any 
rate  temporarily,  carried  off  by  the  Turks.  It  is  esti- 
mated that  about  20,000  Christians  perished  in  the 
villages  during  these  terrible  weeks.  Not  only  were  the 
most  prosperous  landowners  and  farmers  Christians,  but 
the  more  intelligent  peasants  were  Armenians.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  non-Moslem  inhabitants  of  the  plain,  the 
Christian  population  was  temporarily  augmented  by  a 


'  «> .  ,'  •»  ■ 


e    »        t 
c     Cc     c        c 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  155 

large  number  of  Armenians  who  had,  as  usual,  come 
down  from  the  mountain  villages  in  order  to  assist 
in  the  work  of  gathering  in  the  harvest,  and  who  conse- 
quently lost  their  lives  in  the  onslaught.  Owing  also 
to  the  season  of  the  year,  fields  of  wheat,  cotton,  barley, 
oats,  and  sesame  which  belonged  to  Christians  were 
either  entirely  destroyed,  or  gathered  in  by  Moslems, 
who  sometimes,  if  more  than  usually  charitable,  gave 
a  small  proportion  of  the  crop  to  its  Christian  owner. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  attempt  to  describe  what 
took  place  in  anything  but  a  few  of  the  villages  which 
were  sacked  during  the  massacres.  My  first  insight 
into  the  situation  was  gained  at  Injerlik — a  village 
through  which  I  drove  but  an  hour  or  two  after  leaving 
Adana.  Every  Armenian  house  had  been  burnt  to  the 
ground,  and  although  at  the  time  of  my  visit  not  a 
building  had  been  reconstructed,  and  not  a  Christian 
was  visible  in  the  place,  yet  Moslems  were  compla- 
cently smoking  and  chatting  at  the  local  caf^  amidst 
the  ruins  of  their  neighbours'  houses.  These  people 
appeared  to  feel  that  nothing  had  occurred  to  disturb 
the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  district.  Again,  at 
Missis,  about  five  hours  distant  from  Adana,  the  whole 
Christian  quarter — containing  as  it  did  some  forty 
modern  houses — was  entirely  destroyed.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  two  village  blacksmiths  who  consented  to 
become  converts  to  Islam,  and  whose  skilled  trade  was 
necessary  to  the  Moslems,  not  a  man  among  the  Missis 
Christians  survived  the  onslaught.  A  certain  number 
of  women  escaped  to  Adana,  whilst  others  threw  them- 
selves into  the  river  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  being 
safely  housed  in  a  Turkish  harem. 

During  my  journey  through  the  devastated  district 
I  visited  Hamidieh — a  small  town  about  twenty-five 
miles  to  the  eastward  of  Adana.  The  story  of  the 
massacre  in  this  village  is  one  of  the  most  brutal  on 
record.    After  an  onslaught  which  continued  for  twenty- 


156  THE  DANGER   ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

two  days  hardly  a  Christian  man  escaped  ahve.  Whilst 
more  than  500  people  were  actually  killed  in  the  town, 
the  number  of  Christians — many  of  whom  had  come 
down  from  the  mountains  to  assist  in  gathermg  in  the 
harvest — who  perished  in  the  fields  which  surround  it, 
exceeded  1,500.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  Armenians 
made  a  determined  resistance  in  one  or  mo'^e  houses, 
the  death-roll  at  Hamidieh  would  have  been  far 
greater  had  it  not  been  for  the  bravery  and  determina- 
tion of  a  Frenchman  and  his  wife  (M.  and  Mme. 
Sabatier),  who  are  the  owners  of  a  cotton-mill  in  the 
village.  Notwithstanding  the  menaces  of  the  Turks, 
who  threatened  to  set  the  factory  on  fire  if  Armenians 
were  allowed  to  take  refuge  in  it,  the  Sabatier«  fed  and 
protected  about  900  Christians  within  their  domain  until 
assistance  arrived. 

Whilst  in  Hamidieh — a  town  inhabited  by  the  most 
dogged-looking  Moslems  I  have  ever  met — I  heard 
a  miraculous  story  of  the  manner  in  which  an  Armenian 
escaped  death.  This  story,  moreover,  tends  to  prove 
that  the  Moslems  as  a  whole  never  became  so  uncon- 
trolled that  the  massacre  could  not  easily  have  been 
stopped  had  the  local  governmental  authorities  taken 
any  adequate  measures  to  carry  out  their  duties.  At 
the  time  of  the  massacre  in  Hamidieh  about  seventy-five 
Christians  took  refuge  in  a  room  at  the  Konak.  When 
danger  to  this  party  seemed  imminent,  one  of  the 
refugees — a  chemist  by  trade — was  seized  by  a  friendly 
Circassian  and  carried  from  the  room  where  he  was 
hiding  to  an  upper  story  of  the  building.  Whilst  he 
was  being  conveyed  from  one  part  of  the  Konak  to  the 
other,  the  Armenian  (who  told  me  the  story  himself) 
received  a  bad  sword  wound  in  the  head.  The  injury 
was  not  too  severe  to  prevent  the  victim  being  subse- 
quently taken  by  the  Moslem  attackers  to  the  Sabatier 
factory.  Notwithstanding  the  unsafe  state  of  the 
streets,   and   in   spite   of   the  fact   that   the   Turks   did 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  157 

not,  in  fact,  allow  any  ordinary  Armenian  to  leave  the 
factory  alive,  this  chemist,  when  he  had  recovered 
sufficiently  to  go  about  his  business,  was  permitted 
by  the  Moslems  to  proceed  every  day  from  the  factory 
to  the  Konak  in  order  to  dress  the  wounds  of  the 
Turks  who  had  suffered  during  the  attack  on  Hamidieh. 
For  his  first  few  expeditions  to  the  Konak  the  chemist 
was  escorted  by  one  or  two  Turkish  soldiers,  but 
subsequently  when  his  daily  errand  became  known  to 
the  Moslem  mob,  he  was  allowed  to  cross  the  city 
unprotected  ! 

Another  miraculous  escape  of  which  I  also  heard 
during  my  stay  in  Hamidieh  was  that  of  the  driver  in 
whose  carriage  I  had  come  from  Adana.  This  story, 
rather  different  from  the  one  which  I  have  just  told, 
shows  that  although  in  general  the  attitude  of  Moslems 
towards  Christians  left  almost  everything  to  be  desired, 
yet  instances  happily  remain  on  record  when  followers 
of  the  Prophet  did  behave  in  a  **  Christianly  "  manner 
towards  their  Armenian  acquaintances.  My  Armenian 
horse  and  carriage  proprietor,  who  gains  his  livelihood 
by  conveying  passengers  desirous  of  travelling  between 
Adana  and  Osmanieh,  before  the  massacre  was  one  of 
six  brothers  who  lived  at  Hamidieh.  Three  of  the 
family  were  killed  during  the  month  of  April,  1909, 
and  this  young  fellow  himself  lost  two  yailehs  (native 
carriages)  and  four  horses.  On  arrival  in  Adana  before 
the  first  massacre,  my  friend,  having  been  warned  by 
a  Turkish  acquaintance  of  the  coming  danger, 
attempted,  without  success,  to  persuade  the  proprietor 
of  the  han  where  he  was  wont  to  stable  horses  that 
all  Christians  ought  to  fly  to  the  Armenian  quarter. 
The  driver  himself  left  his  horses  to  their  fate,  and  went 
to  a  friend's  house.  The  hotel  proprietor  and  others 
remained  in  the  han  and  were  killed.  Between  the 
two  massacres  my  jobmaster,  having  returned  to  the 
stable  in   order  to  try  and  find  his  lost  carriage  and 


158  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE  \ 

\ 
horses,  was  again  warned — this  time  by  a  Kurd,  who        \ 
said  that  horses  and  carriages  were,  at  present,  of  no        '', 
importance   to    Armenians,    who    had    better    disappear 
for  a  few  days.     The  boy  driver  again  availed  himself 
of  this  advice,  and  departed  with  three  or  four  others. 
A  second  time  all  Christians  who  remained  in  the  hart        \ 
perished  either  by  fire  or  by  the  sword.  '■ 

At  Hamidieh  a  clear  example  of  the  spirit  and  per- 
severance of  the  Armenian  people  came  to  my  notice.  | 
The  proprietor  of  the  han,  who  is  an  Armenian,  has 
always  been  wont  to  sublet  "his  restaurant.  Prior  to 
the  massacre  this  eating  establishment  was  rented  by 
an  Armenian,  who  also  possessed  property  at  Erzeroum. 
In  spite  of  this  man*s  promise  to  give  the  Turks  all 
he  possessed  he  was  murdered  during  the  events  at 
Hamidieh.  After  the  massacre  the  restaurant  was 
again  sublet  by  the  proprietor  to  the  two  sons  of  the 
Armenian  who  had  been  murdered.  These  boys — for 
neither  of  them  is  more  than  twenty-one — borrowed 
£Tioo  from  the  hotel  proprietor,  and,  notwithstanding 
the  awful  tragedy  of  which  they  themselves  were 
witnesses,  are  now  doing  a  roaring  trade  by  supplying 
excellent  food  to  passing  travellers.  Few,  except 
Armenians  or  Jews,  could  successfully  restart  business 
under    such   adverse    circumstances. 

A  terrible  story  of  the  massacre  in  Abdul  Oglou  was 
told  to  me  by  one  of  the  survivors.  This  village,  which 
was  originally  made  up  of  twenty-five  Moslem  houses 
(thirty  men  capable  of  bearing  arms)  and  fifty-three 
houses  and  huts  inhabited  by  Christians,  is  situated 
within  sight  of  the  historic  Pyramus  River,  and  distant 
but  a  few  hours'  journey  from  Adana.  At  the  time  of 
the  massacre  there  were  nearly  five  hundred  Christians 
in  the  village  as,  like  at  Hamidieh,  a  large  number  of 
men  had  come  down  from  the  mountains  to  assist  in 
gathering  in  the  harvest.  When  the  reports  of  the 
massacre  in  Adana  first  reached  Abdul  Oglou,  the  two 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  159 

most  important  Moslems  in  the  village  swore  by  all 
that  was  to  them  most  holy  that  no  harm  should  befall 
the  Christians  of  the  place.  Police  were  sent  round  to 
reassure  the  people.  Kebar  Oglou,  one  of  these  two 
magnates,  himself  went  to  Missis,  distant  but  a  few 
hours  from  Abdul  Oglou,  and  brought  back  a  message 
from  the  military  commander  that  no  disturbances 
would  be  allowed  to  occur.  By  this  deceitful  means 
the  Christians,  who,  as  I  have  shown,  were  originally 
more  numerous  than  the  Moslems  of  the  village,  were 
kept  quiet  until  Kebar  Oglou  had  had  time  to  summon 
a  number  of  his  followers  from  the  neighbourhood. 
Subsequently  the  Christians  were  collected  in  three 
or  four  houses  of  the  village  and  brutally  murdered 
with  arms  which,  it  is  supposed,  were  provided  from 
Missis  for  that  purpose.  To  the  credit  of  the  Govern- 
ment be  it  said  that  Kebar  Oglou  and  his  brother 
were  hanged  early  in  December,  1909,  for  their  acts 
of  treachery  at  Abdul  Oglou. 

At  Antioch  the  massacre  was  very  systematically 
carried  out.  The  Armenian  quarter,  which  is  made  up 
of  houses  built  in  little  courts  leading  off  narrow 
winding  streets,  is  only  approachable  from  the  town 
through  the  Turkish  quarter.  About  Thursday,  April 
I  5th,  the  rumour  of  a  massacre  in  the  Adana  district 
became  known  at  Antioch  and  the  Christian  population 
consequently  became  uneasy.  On  the  morrow  (the 
Moslems'  Sabbath)  the  Christians  became  still  more 
alarmed  by  noticing  that  all  the  Mohammedan  shops 
were  closed  and  that  the  attendance  at  the  mosques 
was  much  larger  than  usual.  Great  meetings  of  the 
principal  Mohammedans  of  the  town  were  held  in  the 
houses  of  the  chief  men,  and  the  "  True  Believers  " 
were  busily  occupied  in  buying  up  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion. On  Monday,  April  19th,  when  the  men  belonging 
to  the  Redif  battalions  were  assembled  before  the 
barracks  and  were,  in  fact,   being  supplied  with  arms 


160  THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

and  ammunition  by  the  local  authorities,  the  Governor, 
as  a  result  of  an  agreement  with  the  Mohammedan 
chiefs,  assured  the  Armenians  that  there  was  nothing  to 
fear.  These  assurances  had  hardly  been  delivered  when 
fire  was  opened  upon  the  Christians.  Whilst  only  six 
women  perished,  135  men  and  boys  (out  of  a  male 
population  of  157  Armenians)  were  killed.  The  houses 
were  systematically  robbed,  not  so  much  as  a  pin  being 
left. 

Although  in  many  cases  a  few  Christians,  having 
taken  refuge  in  some  more  solidly  constructed  building 
than  those  which  surrounded  it,  defended  themselves 
against  attack  for  a  brief  period,  yet  with  but  few 
exceptions  the  Armenians  of  the  villages  did  not  make 
that  determined  resistance  which  was  offered  by  the 
Christians  during  the  first  massacre  in  the  town  of 
Adana.  Notwithstanding  the  general  tendency  of  the 
Armenians  to  submit  quietly  to  the  Moslem  onslaught, 
in  several  places  the  Christians  systematically  and 
successfully  protected  themselves  against  their  Moham- 
medan fellow-countrymen  until  assistance  arrived,  or 
until  a  cessation  in  hostilities  occurred  during  which  it 
was  possible  for  them  to  travel  to  Adana. 

Hajin — a  mountainous  village  almost  entirely  in- 
habited by  Christians  and  situated  about  sixty-five  miles 
to  the  north-east  of  Adana — was  defended  for  many 
days  by  Armenian  warriors.  When  danger  became 
imminent,  the  Christians  not  only  formed  a  line  of 
outposts  round  the  village  and  prevented  any  Moslems 
who  arrived  from  the  country  districts  from  entering  it, 
but  they  also  compelled  the  few  Turks  actually  in 
Hajin  either  to  remain  in  their  houses  or  to  move  to 
some  Armenian  house  in  which  they  could  be  watched 
by  the  Christians.  This  precaution  was  taken  in  order 
to  keep  the  Moslems  in  the  city,  and  thus  to  prevent 
them  joining  the  enemy  who  were  besieging  it.  So 
hot  did  the  fire  in  Hajin  finally  become  that  it  was  im- 


THE  AKMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  161 

possible  for  the  Americans,  who  had  already  lost  one 
messenger,  killed  whilst  proceeding  to  the  post,  to  send 
any  more  telegrams  by  hand  to  the  office.  Messages 
were  consequently  tied  to  stones  and  thrown  from  and 
to  the  telegraph  office.  During  the  siege,  too,  a 
desperate  attempt  was  made  by  the  Moslem  attackers 
to  burn  Hajin,  but  fortunately  the  wind  was  favour- 
able, and  blew  the  flames  away  from  the  village.  As 
a  result  of  several  telegrams  dispatched  from  the 
American  Mission,  and  after  a  siege  lasting  nearly  ten 
days,  in  which  only  about  sixty  Armenians  had  been 
killed  and  wounded,  assistance  at  last  came  from  Missis 
to  the   people  of  Hajin. 

Another    determined    resistance    was    made    by    the 
Armenians    of   Durtyol — a   village   made    up   of   about 
i,ooo  houses  and  situated  on  the  Plain  of  Issus,  three 
or  four  miles  distant  from  the  sea  coast.     When  the 
news  of  the  outbreak  in  Cilicia  arrived,  the  population 
of  Durtyol  was  joined  by  three  or  four  thousand  people 
who   fled   to  that   village   for   protection.      For   twelve 
days    about    10,000    people    were    besieged    by    7,000 
Moslems,  400  among  whom  were  armed  with  military 
rifles  and  provided  with  government  ammunition.     On 
the   third  day  of   the   siege,   the   water  supply  of   the 
town  having  been  cut  ofl",  a  strong  body  of  the  besiegers 
was    posted    at    tlie    source    in    order    to    prevent    the 
Christians  getting  it  turned  on  again.     On  April  21st, 
after  four  or  five  days'  siege,  the  first  attempt  at  relief, 
which   proved  unsuccessful,   was   made.      On   that   day 
fifty  Turkish  soldiers  having  been  conveyed  on  H.M.S. 
Triumph  across   the   bay  from   Alexandretta,   a  parley 
was  arranged  with  the  besiegers,  who  promised  to  make 
a  truce  for  two  days,  and  to  turn  on  the  water  to  the 
village.      No  sooner,  however,  had  the  expedition  re- 
turned to   Alexandretta   than   news   was   received   that 
the  Moslems  had  not  only  completely  disregarded  their 
oath,  but  that  they  had  renewed  their  attack  on  Durtyol 

11 


162  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

with  greater  violence  than  before.  On  Sunday,  April 
25th,  as  a  result  of  pressure  brought  to  bear  by 
Mr.  Catoni,  the  acting  British  Vice -Consul,  and  by 
Mr.  Kennedy,  the  American  missionary,  a  governmental 
commission  and  550  Turkish  Redifs  were  disembarked 
near  Durtyol.  While  the  troops  were  being  disem- 
barked, the  commission,  the  military  commander,  and 
Mr.  Kennedy,  who  then  represented  the  British  Vice- 
Consul  at  Alexandretta,  proceeded  to  a  point  about  a 
mile  and  a  half  to  the  north  of  Durtyol,  where  they 
found  the  Moutessarif  of  Erzin,  in  whose  district  Durtyol 
is  situated.  After  considerable  delay  it  was  arranged 
that  Mr.  Kennedy  should  advance  to  Durtyol  in  order 
to  inform  the  inhabitants  of  the  arrival  of  the  troops 
who  had  come  for  their  protection,  and  to  arrange  for 
taking  over  the  barracks,  which  had  been  occupied  by 
the  Christians  during  the  siege.  The  Christians  at 
once  signified  their  willingness  to  surrender  as  soon 
as  the  Turkish  troops  came  up  and  took  over  the 
town  from  the  garrison.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  a 
message  to  this  effect  was  at  once  sent  to  the  commander 
of  the  troops,  a  most  determined  attack  was  made 
upon  the  village  from  four  directions  during  the  nig^t. 
After  some  six  or  seven  hours*  negotiation  it  was  on 
April  26th,  at  the  end  of  a  ten  days'  siege,  that  the 
town  was  finally  relieved,  and  the  population,  from 
whose  number  only  about  ten  had  perished,  was  again 
provided   with   water. 

Although  the  Christian  garrison  was  much  smaller 
than  that  of  either  Hajin  or  Durtyol,  the  village  of  Shehr 
Murad,  situated  about  twelve  miles  to  the  south-east 
of  Adana,  was  ably  defended  by  its  Armenian  inhabit- 
ants. Before  the  massacre  this  hamlet  had  a  popula- 
tion of  some  300  or  400  Christians,  and  only  one 
Moslem  family — that  of  a  rich  gipsy  farmer  who  owned 
a  large  quantity  of  land  in  the  district.  In  order  to 
endeavour  to  effect  a  slaughter  this  gipsy  arranged  for 


'':>»"   «  »    o"  ^•» 


X      15 


!«9    • 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  163 

the  importation  of  other  Moslems  who  usually  dwelt 
in  the  hillside  villages.  Although  all  the  Christian 
houses  were  burnt  and  the  property  of  their  inmates 
stolen,  yet  only  forty  or  fifty  Armenians  were  actually 
killed. 

When  the  outbreak  at  Shehr  Murad  first  occurred, 
the  local  priest  called  all  the  Christians  into  a  walled-in 
farm,  which  occupies  a  central  position  in  the  village. 
In    this    improvised    fort,    which    is    about    fifty    yards 
square,   and   which   is   surrounded   by   walls    about   six 
feet    high,    250    people    were    besieged    for    five    days. 
Not  only  the  outer  walls  and  sheds  but  the  buildings 
of  the  interior  were  loopholed,  and  traverses  were  con- 
structed   to    protect    the    defenders    from    reverse    fire 
directed  against  them  from  certain  houses  from  which 
shots  could  be  poured  into  the  fort.     The  beleaguered 
garrison  possessed  but  twenty-five  rifles,  some  of  which 
were  of  most  antiquated  patterns.     During  the  several 
nights  of  the  siege  the  force  of  the  attack  somewhat 
abated,    and   small    quantities    of    food    could    then    be 
collected   by   the   garrison.      Such   was   the   energy   pf 
the   Armenians    that    when   the   ammunition    ran   short 
the  besieged  went  out  under  cover  of  darkness  and  dug 
out   their   enemies'   Martini   bullets   which   had   lodged 
in  the  walls,  and  used  the  lead  thus  obtained  to  make 
ammunition  for  their  own  defence.     When  the  garrison 
possessed  no  more  caps,  heads  of  matches  were  success- 
fully used  to  ignite  the  rifle  charges.     At  the  end  of 
five    days,    when   succour   seemed   as   far   off"   as    ever, 
and  when  a  temporary  cessation  in  the  attack  occurred, 
it  was  thought  advisable  for  the  Christians  to  go  into 
Adana,    where   they   actually   arrived   between  the   two 
massacres  in  that  city. 

One  of  the  most  difficult  problems  to  be  encountered 
by  the  Turkish  authorities  after  the  massacre  was  how 
to  induce  the  people  then  collected  in  Adana  to  return 
to  their  homes.     Although  the  expense  of  sending  back 


164    THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

those  who  were  willing  to  return  to  their  villages  was 
paid  out  of  funds  provided  by  the  Turkish  Government, 
yet  it  was  not  unnatural  that  the  inhabitants  of  whole 
districts  who  flocked  to  Adana  after  the  massacres, 
and  who  had  seen  their  menfolk  actually  murdered 
before  their  very  eyes,  did  not  wish  to  return  to  their 
homes,  made  up  of  but  dust  and  rubble.  In  some  cases 
the  only  survivors  of  a  village  were  a  large  number 
of  women  under  the  protection  of  one  or  two  men. 
It  was  not  unnatural,  too,  that  the  Relief  Committee 
(itself  so  short  of  money)  should  refuse  to  rebuild 
houses  until  the  people,  by  their  presence  and  superin- 
tendence, gave  a  practical  guarantee  if  shelter  were 
provided  for  them  that  they  would  endeavour  to  gain 
a  livelihood  in  their  former  homes.  When  I  drove 
across  the  plain  in  October  I  found  villages  to  which 
the  people  had  not  yet  returned,  whilst  in  the  vicinity 
of  others  I  came  upon  the  inhabitants  living  in  tents 
provided  by  the  Government,  until  their  houses  could 
be  rebuilt. 

In  Marash,  Aintab,  Urfa,  and  Mersina  no  massacres 
took  place,  largely  because  the  local  Governors  were 
strong  and  took  adequate  measures  to  ensure  the  main- 
tenance of  peace.  At  Marash,  although  no  serious  out- 
break occurred,  yet  the  town  suffered  greatly  from  the 
massacres  in  Cilicia.  About  500  young  men — the  most 
active  breadwinners  of  the  town — who  had  gone  down 
to  the  plain  for  the  harvest,  lost  their  lives  in  the  fields . 
This  not  only  left  many  families  without  any  male 
representative  to  support  them,  but  it  also  had  a 
most  demoralising  effect  upon  the  industrial  classes 
in  general.  Again,  although  the  districts  subjected 
to  the  massacre  lay  for  the  most  part  in  the  plains 
which  border  upon  the  sea  coast  between  Mersina  and 
Alexandretta  and  did  not  actually  extend  farther  north- 
ward than  the  neighbourhood  of  Hajin,  yet  the  fear 
of  a  massacre  existed  throughout  almost  all  the  districts 


THE  ARMENIAN  MASSACRES  OF  APRIL,  1909  165 

of  Asia  Minor  inhabited  by  Armenians.  At  Kharput 
it  is  known  that  plans  for  a  massacre  were  deeply 
laid,  and  that  the  disaster  was  only  averted  by  the  firm- 
ness of  the  Vali,  who,  although  he  stood  alone  among 
the  officials  of  this  province,  aided  by  providential  cir- 
cumstances, postponed  the  massacre  until  all  was 
quiet.  At  Van,  where  a  general  massacre  had  been 
planned  and  would  probably  have  taken  place,  the 
Moslems  were  disappointed  by  a  snowstorm  which  pre- 
vented the  people  from  going  to  the  market  on  the 
day   arranged   for   their   destruction. 

The  inhabitants  of  Caiserea  narrowly  escaped  the 
horrors  of  an  outbreak.  As  in  so  many  other  places, 
somebody  spread  the  news  that  the  Turks  were  about 
to  be  massacred  by  Christians,  and  that  the  slaughter 
was  to  be  accomplished  by  500  armed  men  who  were 
on  their  way  from  Marash  and  Aleppo  to  kill  the 
Mohammedans  of  the  town.  The  Moslems,  knowing 
that  some  of  the  local  Armenians  did  possess  arms,  grew 
frightened,  and  were  on  the  verge  of  instituting  a 
massacre,  probably  really  under  the  impression  that  it 
was  necessary  to  do  something  in  order  to  ensure  their 
own  safety.  At  the  last  moment  the  outbreak  was 
averted  by  the  energy  of  the  Moutessarif  of  the  district, 
who,  as  soon  as  he  realised  the  danger,  at  once  sum- 
moned the  Mohammedan  khojas  and  ordered  them 
to  prevent  the  massacre  by  discouraging  or  even  for- 
bidding it  in  discourses  delivered  in  the  mosques. 


VI 

THE   CAUSES  AND   RESULTS  OF  THE   MASSACRE 

The  outbreak  in  Cilicia  shown  to  be  a  massacre  of  Christians  and  not 
►  an  Armenian  rebellion — Some  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  ex- 
Sultan  Abdul  Hamid  was  not  himself  personally  responsible  for  the 
massacres— Effects  of  the  massacres — An  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  causes  of  the  massacre  were  investigated  by  the 
Govern  nent  and  of  the  methods  by  which  the  courts-martial 
carried  on  the  trials  of  supposed  malefactors — The  cases  of  some 
officials  who  did  not  receive  that  punishment  which  their  conduct 
merited. 

\ 
The  real  causes  of  the  outbreak  which  occurred  in 
Southern  Asia  Minor  and  in  Northern  Syria  in  1909 
are  incompletely  known.  The  object  of  the  following 
pages  is  not,  therefore,  to  assert  or  to  rely  upon  any, 
particular  facts  in  order  to  prove  that  any  special 
persons  or  series  of  events  were  or  were  not  the  causes 
of  the  massacre,  but  rather  to  collect,  if  possible  in  an 
intelligible  form,  the  evidence  which  comes  before  the 
traveller  who  is  honest  in  his  desire  to  ascertain  the 
truth,  and  also  to  reproduce  extracts  from  certain 
documents  which  must  undoubtedly  prove  the  official 
attitude  of  the  Turkish  Government  concerning  the 
causes  of  the  massacres.  By  this  means,  which  is  the 
only  course  open  to  me,  I  trust  that  I  may  be  able, 
not  only  to  assist  my  readers  to  form  some  opinion  as 
to  the  possible  causes  of  the  outbreak,  but  also  to 
enable  them  to  understand  some  of  the  results  produced 
by  this  great  calamity. 

161 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      167 

The  first  question  which  must  be  decided  before 
endeavouring  to  ascertain  who  was  responsible  for  the 
disaster  in  Asia  Minor  is  whether  this  outbreak  was 
an  Armenian  rebellion  against  the  Turkish  Government, 
or  whether  it  was  a  Moslem  massacre  of  Christians.  If 
this  slaughter  was  the  result  of  a  rebellion,  then  the 
Armenians  would  naturally  have  been  liable  to  suffer 
for  their  actions  ;  but  if  it  was  a  massacre,  then  the 
Christians  were  certainly  guilty  of  no  crime  in  defending 
their  homes  and  their  women  against  hordes  of  blood- 
thirsty men  who  mercilessly  assailed  them.  No  official, 
either  Turkish  or  European,  has  been  able  to  bring 
to  my  notice  any  proof  that  the  Armenians  did  not 
surrender  and  give  up  their  arms  as  soon  as  they 
were  promised  safety  by  the  Ottoman  Government. 
Unfortunately,  the  Christians  often  delivered  their  arms 
on  the  receipt  of  promises  which  were  broken  as  soon 
as  the  object  for  which  they  were  made  had  been 
accomplished.  Although  certain  sections  of  the 
Armenian  community  were  certainly  foolish  in  some  of 
their  actions  between  the  advent  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  spring  of  1909,  yet  after  full  consideration  of 
all  the  evidence  brought  to  my  notice  during  a  pro- 
longed stay  in  various  districts  of  the  Turkish  Empire, 
I  consider  that  these  events  took  the  form  of  a  brutal 
massacre  of  Christians,  who  were,  at  any  rate  for  the 
most  part,  innocent  of  any  idea  of  rebellion  against  the 
Government.  If  the  Armenians  had  desired  to  rebel 
against  the  Government,  it  is  clear  that  they  would  have 
retired  to  some  such  place  as  Zeitoun,  instead  of  revolt- 
ing whilst  so  many  of  their  co-religionists  were  not  only 
helplessly  on  the  plain  without  arms,  but  whilst  they 
were  separated  from  their  womenfolk,  who  had  for  the 
most  part  been  left  behind  in  the  mountain  villages. 

The  following  is  a  translation  of  an  official  circular 
drawn  up  in  August,  1909,  at  Constantinople  by  a 
Commission    composed    of    the    Ministers    of    Finance, 


168  THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

Public  Works,  and  Justice,  and  addressed  to  the 
government  authorities  in  the  provinces.  I  reproduce 
this  translation  because  it  is  supposed  to  have  been 
based  upon  the  report  of  the  Parliamentary  Commission 
which  went  to  Adana  to  ascertain  the  causes  of  the 
massacre. 

**  It  is  evident  that,  at  the  time  when  oppression  and 
corruption  were  practised  by  the  Government,  several 
parties  belonging  to  the  Armenian  people  engaged  in 
certain  undertakings.  Whatever  the  form  and  manner 
of  these  undertakings,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  their 
sole  purpose  was  to  secure  freedom  from  the  evils 
and  oppressions  of  a  tyrannical  Government,  and  in 
this  effort  there  is  nothing  to  censure  ;  on  the  contrary, 
assisting  and  co-operating  with  the  nation  in  her  attempt 
to  re-establish  the  Constitution,  they  gave  a  practical 
proof  of  their  genuine  devotion  to  the  Ottoman  Father- 
land. Particularly  after  the  proclamation  of  the  Con- 
stitution, when  it  was  fully  understood  that  the  dis- 
cussion of  all  political  ambitions  would  be  chimerical, 
they  united  to  devote  all  their  energies  to  the  public 
welfare,  accepting  the  fact  that  the  deliverance  and 
happiness  for  which  they  longed  could  be  enjoyed  only 
by  faithful  adherence  to  the  Ottoman  Constitutional 
Government.  Therefore,  beyond  all  question,  there  is 
no  ground  for  the  suspicion,  which  has  originated  among 
those  who  are  ignorant  and  uninformed  as  to  the  facts, 
that  the  Armenians  are  cherishing  a  dangerous  political 
ambition. 

**  In  regard  to  the  circumstances  which  gave  rise  to 
the  awful  calamity  in  Adana,  the  general  conclusions  of 
a  special  investigating  Commission  and  the  situation 
following  the  natural  course  of  the  disaster  show  that 
after  liberty  and  the  Constitution  had  been  declared, 
when  the  Armenian  people  saw  that,  by  methods 
peculiar  to  the  tyrannical  regime,  efforts  were  being 
made  to  destroy  patriotic  and  fraternal  sentiments  and 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      169 

complained  of  this,  certain  simple-minded  people  put 
an  evil  construction  on  these  complaints.  The  ignorant 
people,  not  acquainted  either  with  the  name  or  the 
activities  of  the  Tashnagist  and  Hunchagist  societies,' 
when  they  saw  the  members  of  those  societies  suddenly 
becoming  unusually  active,  entertained  unfounded 
suspicions  and  made  inferences,  and  this  gave  rise  to 
many  rumours.  These  suppositions  on  the  part  of  the 
ignorant,  reacting  on  the  Armenians,  gave  origin  to 
fear  and  suspicion.  In  this  way  originated  mutual 
distrust    and   misunderstanding. 

'*  It  was  the  fundamental  duty  of  the  local  authorities 
to  discover  at  once  the  source  of  these  misunder- 
standings, and  by  bringing  the  various  races  together 
to  remove  mutual  distrust  and  to  establish  and  ensure 
amity  and  fraternal  patriotism  among  the  races.  But, 
on  the  contrary,  the  highest  officials  of  the  Government, 
through  their  painful  stupidity  and  inefficiency,  kept 
silence,  which,  on  the  one  hand,  added  to  the  misunder- 
standings and  distrust,  and,  on  the  other,  gave  the  mob 
occasion  to  increase  its  lack  of  respect  for  the  power 
of  the  Government.  The  origin  of  the  disaster  was 
in  the  neglect  of  patriotic  duty  and  through  the  officials 
failing  to  meet  their  obligations  in  a  devoted  and  proper 
manner.  In  other  ways  it  has  been  plainly  demon- 
strated that  the  Armenians  have  not  deviated  from 
their  consecrated  fidelity  towards  the  mighty  Ottoman 
Government.  Judged  by  the  facts  of  this  situation,  the 
actual  instigators  of  this  painful  disaster  and  those 
derelict  in  their  duty  will  be  punished  according  to 
law.  Only  it  is  a  matter  for  regret  that  in  some 
quarters  there  have  come  into  existence  such  unfounded 

'  The  Tashnagist  and  Hunchagist  societies  were  revolutionary 
organisations,  which,  under  the  Old  Regime,  always  intrigued  against 
the  Government.  The  members  of  these  two  organisations  flocked 
back  to  Turkey  after  the  granting  of  the  Constitution  and  were 
welcomed  by  the  Young  Turks  as   supporters  of  the  New  Regime. 


170  THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

and  fictitious  suppositions  as  are  opposed  to  permanent 
co-operation  and  sincere  fraternal  feeling,  the  establish- 
ment of  which  is  essential  among  the  various  races 
which  are  bound  together  by  common  interests.  With 
the  object  of  doing  away  with  these  suppositions  and 
suspicions  you  must  put  into  practice  all  the  measures 
necessary  for  the  welfare  and  amity  of  the  various 
races,  and  you  must  try  to  establish  and  strengthen 
patriotic  integrity,  which  is  one  of  the  essentials  in  a 
constitutional  government." 

In  spite  of  the  emphatic  phraseology  of  this  circular, 
which  was,  doubless,  issued  for  political  motives,  it 
» is  clear  that  the  more  advanced  members  of  the 
Tashnagist  and  Hunchagist  societies  did  exceed  the 
bounds  of  reason.  However  this  may  be,  and  even  if 
these  Armenians  by  their  somewhat  foolish  actions  did 
give  cause  for  suspicion  on  the  part  of  the  more 
ignorant  Turks,  this  document,  which  as  I  have 
already  said  is  believed  to  be  based  upon  the  report  of 
the  Parliamentary  Commission  which  was  sent  to  the 
Adana  district  early  in  May,  clearly  proves  that  the 
Government  held  its  own  officials  to  be  responsible  for 
not  having  ensured  friendship  between  the  various  races 
of  the  Empire. 

Notwithstanding  the  language  of  the  document  which 
I  have  just  quoted,  both  at  the  time  of  as  well  as  for 
a  considerable  period  after  the  massacre,  the  Turkish 
governmental  authorities  asserted  that  the  outbreak  was 
the  result,  not  only  of  the  endeavours  of  the  Armenians 
to  regain  their  freedom  and  to  re-establish  an  inde- 
pendent Kingdom  of  Armenia,  but  also  of  a  fear  on  the 
part  of  the  Turkish  population  that  they,  the  Moslems, 
were  about  to  be  massacred  by  their  Christian  fellow- 
countrymen.  I  have  talked  to  Mohammedan  country 
travellers  as  we  climbed  together  up  mountain  roads, 
or  sat  side  by  side  in  railway  carriages,  and  have 
always  been  informed  that  the  massacre  was  a  great 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      171 

•*  pity,"  but  that  if  the  Moslems  had  not  assumed  the 
offensive  while  there  was  yet  time,  they  would  have  been 
attacked  and  overpowered  by  the  Christians.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  some  of  the  more  ignorant  Moslems, 
especially  those  domiciled  in  the  villages,  did  and  do 
believe,  not  only  that  the  Armenians  were  about  to 
rebel,  but  that  they  had  even  made  definite  plans  to 
regain  their  freedom. 

Although  the  fear  of  an  Armenian  rebellion  was 
certainly  without  cause,  yet  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
Christians,  who  ought  to  have  understood  that  equality 
between  Moslems  and  non-Moslems  could  not  be 
immediately  realised  even  if  it  were  ever  possible,  were 
certainly  guilty  of  acts  of  foolishness,  which  the 
Moslems — only  too  ready  to  seize  the  opportunity — 
were  able  to  interpret  as  the  outcome  of  a  general 
revolutionary  spirit.  More  than  one  secular  and 
religious  teacher  urged  that  the  Armenians  must  arm 
themselves  in  order  to  be  prepared  for  any  eventuality 
which  might  occur.  There  is  no  doubt,  too,  that 
Mousheg,  the  hot-headed  Bishop  of  Adana,  who  went 
about  his  province  pressing  his  flock  to  spend  money 
upon  arms,  did  much  to  stir  up  a  feeling  of  unrest. 

Subsequent  to  the  massacres  the  Turks  bitterly 
complained  of  certain  theatrical  entertainments  arranged 
by  the  Armenians  during  the  winter  of  1908-9  at 
Adana,  Mersina,  and  elsewhere.  The  plots  of  these 
performances  were  said  by  the  Turks,  not  only  to  have 
been  an  incitement  to  the  Armenians  to  rise  against 
the  Government,  but  also  to  have  been  a  proof  that 
projects  were  on  foot  for  the  establishment  of  an  inde- 
pendent Armenian  Kingdom.  One  particular  act,  which 
at  a  later  date  was  held  by  the  Turks  to  have  been  a 
sign  of  an  impending  revolution,  was  the  exposing  at 
Mersina  of  pictures  of  former  kings  of  Armenia.  The 
innocency  of  the  meaning  of  these  actions  is  clearly 
proved  by  the  fact  that  the  local  Turkish  officials  were 


172  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF   EUROPE 

invited  to,  and,  in  fact,  did  attend,  the  so-called  incit- 
ing theatrical  performances,  and  that  no  attempt  was 
made  to  hide  the  '*  revolutionary  "  pictures  from  the 
governmental  authorities.  Moreover,  in  a  constitutional 
country  nominally  possessed  of  a  Government,  if  the 
Armenians  were  (as  the  Turks  at  first  tried  to  urge) 
really  guilty  of  any  actions  likely  to  disturb  the  peace, 
then  they  should  have  been  punished  for  these  actions 
instead  of  being  allowed,  if  not  actually  encouraged,  to 
continue  their  foolish  or  wrong  behaviour  until  disaster 
finally  occurred. 

Almost  immediately  after  the  massacre  a  report  was 
spread,  and  forthwith  accepted  by  Europe,  that  the 
ex-Sultan  Abdul  Hamid  was  himself  responsible  for 
the  massacre.  I  have  often  been  informed  that  the 
slaughter  was  ordered  from  Yildiz.  I  have  even  seen 
in  print  the  translation  of  a  telegram  describing  the  zeal 
with  which  Christians  were  to  be  killed.  This  telegram 
is  supposed  to  have  been  addressed  by  his  ex -Majesty 
to  the  then  Governor  of  Adana.  Far  be  it  from  me, 
who  have  travelled  in  the  Ottoman  Dominions  during 
the  Old  Regime,  and  who  have  seen  the  effect  of  its 
brutality,  to  try  either  to  exonerate  the  ex -Sultan  from 
blame  or  to  free  him  from  any  responsibility  for  any 
act  of  brutality.  The  history  of  a  reign  of  nearly 
thirty-three  years  proves  what  manner  of  horrors  were 
carried  out  under  the  very  eyes  of  a  despot  who  was 
never  so  happy  as  when  oppressing  his  subjects.  Be- 
fore, however,  assuming  that  any  order  was  sent  from 
Yildiz  to  Adana,  it  will  be  well  for  those  who  are 
not  only  interested  in  discovering  the  cause  of  these 
massacres,  but  also  who  are  anxious  about  the  future 
welfare  of  the  Christian  races  in  the  Ottoman  Dominions 
to  realise  that  there  is  no  proof  that  such  a  telegram 
was  ever  sent  to  Adana  from  the  capital,  and  if  it  were 
transmitted,  no  evidence  has  been  produced  that  its 
despatch  was  authorised  by  Abdul  Hamid. 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      173 

As  I  have  already  stated,  the  first  massacre  in  Adana 
occurred  on  April  14th,  and,  in  fact,  actually  broke  out 
but  a  few  hours  after  the  so-called  reactionary  party 
had  gained  the  upper  hand  in  Constantinople  on 
April  13th.  Therefore,  even  if  Abdul  Hamid  or  his 
malefactors  had  at  once  secured  control  of  the  telegraph 
offices  at  the  capital,  which  I  believe  that  they  did  not, 
then  no  order  could  have  reached  Adana  until  the 
situation  in  that  town  had  already  become  most  acute. 
Besides,  when  the  massacre  broke  out,  nothing  was 
known  by  the  ordinary  man  in  Adana  of  the  events 
in  Constantinople  on  April  13th.  If  even,  therefore,  a 
telegram  despatched  from  Constantinople  on  April  1 3th 
had  reached  the  Governor  of  Adana  during  the  night 
of  April  1 3th- 1 4th,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  it  would 
have  been  possible  for  him,  as  a  result  of  this  order, 
to  have  arranged  for  an  onslaught  to  begin  early  in  the 
morning. 

Again,  although  it  may  be  argued  that  the  order 
was  actually  despatched  from  Constantinople  prior  to 
April  13th,  it  is  difficult  to  agree  with  this  theory 
because,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  power  of 
Abdul  Hamid  was  not  entirely  swept  away  by  the 
revolution  of  July,  1908,  yet  it  is  impossible  for  those 
intimately  acquainted  with  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
Turkey  between  July,  1908,  and  April,  1909,  to  believe 
that  during  the  closing  months  of  his  reign  the  ex- 
Sultan  was  actually  in  a  position  to  send  any  direct 
or  secret  orders  to  the  governmental  authorities  in  the 
provinces . 

A  further  reason  against  the  conclusion  that  Abdul 
Hamid,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  actually  ordered 
the  massacre,  is  that  if  any  proof  of  such  an  order 
either  exists  or  ever  did  exist,  then  it  seems  manifest 
that  this  evidence  would  have  been  produced  at  the 
instigation  of  the  Young  Turks,  who  subsequently  had 
access  to  all  the   documents   at  Yildiz  and  elsewhere. 


174  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

The  production  of  any  such  documents  would  have 
enabled  the  Parliamentary  Commission  of  inquiry  sent 
from  Constantinople  to  Adana  to  discover  the  real 
causes  of  the  outbreak.  In  addition  it  is  clear  if  the 
blame  of  the  outbreak  could  be  thrown  upon  the 
former  despot,  not  only  would  his  removal  from  the 
throne  have  been  justifiable  beyond  all  doubt,  but  such 
blame  would  have  entirely  cleared  the  Young  Turks 
from  all  responsibility  for  the  outbreak. 

Notwithstanding  the  Armenian  assertions  to  the  con- 
trary, it  is  inconceivable  that  the  Young  Turks  as  a 
body  were  any  party  to  the  massacre.  There  is  no 
evidence,  except  possibly  the  manner  in  which  the  prin- 
cipal offenders  were,  or,  more  correctly  speaking,  were 
not,  punished,  which  justifies  the  assumption  that  the 
central  body  or  the  principal  members  of  the  Committee 
of  Union  and  Progress  were  really  in  any  way  implicated 
in  the  massacre.  In  spite  of  the  undeniable  bad 
behaviour  of  the  Salonika  troops  in  Adana  during  the 
second  massacre  in  that  town,  and  of  the  mystery  which 
surrounds  the  removal  of  the  Moutessarif  of  Mersina 
to  Mush  I — two  of  the  reasons  given  by  the  Armenians 
to  show  that  the  Young  Turks  were  favourably  disposed 
towards  the  massacre — it  is  obvious  that  a  massacre, 
at  any  rate  in  the  long  run,  must  have  been  so  detri- 
mental to  the  cause  of  successful  reform,  that,  leaving 

*  A  massacre  at  Mersina  was  prevented  largely  by  the  energy  of  the 
Moutessarif  of  the  district.  Although  to  be  Governor  of  Mush — the 
district  to  which  this  official  was  removed  during  the  autumn  of  1909 — 
is  nominally  a  promotion,  yet  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  Turkish 
authorities  decided  to  make  such  a  change  and  to  remove  a  good 
official  from  the  attractive  surroundings  of  Mersina  to  a  lonely  town 
in  Eastern  Asia  Minor  purely  for  the  advancement  of  the  employee 
in  question.  Whether  or  not  the  somewhat  too  pro-Armenian  sym- 
pathies of  this  gentleman,  and  the  fact  that  he  had  accompanied  the 
members  of  the  Parliamentary  Commission  during  their  journeys  in 
Cilicia,  accounted  for  his  removal  from  Mersina  must  ever  remain  a 
mystery. 


-    8 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      175 

all  arguments  of  good  intent  out  of  consideration,  it  is 
incomprehensible  that  the  leaders  of  the  New  Regime, 
who  had  so  cleverly  brought  about  an  almost  blood- 
less revolution,  could  possibly  have  connived  at  such 
a  horrible  crime. 

By  means  of  the  foregoing  remarks  I  have  en- 
deavoured to  prove  that  the  events  at  Adana  were  not  an 
Armenian  revolution  but  a  Christian  massacre,  and  that 
they  were  considered  as  such  by  the  Turkish  Govern- 
ment. Moreover,  I  have  given  some  reasons  which 
have  led  me  to  believe  that  there  is  no  proof  that  the 
ex -Sultan  issued  any  direct  order  for  the  massacre,  and 
in  addition  I  have  attempted  to  explain  that  the  Young 
Turks  cannot  as  a  body  be  held  responsible  for  the 
outbreak.  I  will  now  very  briefly  summarise  what  I 
believe  to  have  been  the  real  causes  of  the  massacre. 

In  July,  1908,  the  new  Constitution  was  received 
throughout  the  Empire  with  demonstrations  of  joy. 
All  classes  and  sects  took  part  in  these  proceedings,  and 
cheers  were  given  by  the  entire  population  for  liberty, 
fraternity,  equality,  and  justice.  As  time  went  on  it 
was  evident,  however,  that  the  religious  leaders  of  the 
Moslems,  besides  many  of  their  chief  men,  in  addition 
to  the  ignorant  people  of  the  villages,  were  not  with  the 
new  movement.  The  Moslems,  who  had  been  accus- 
tomed for  centuries  to  despise  and  oppress  the  Chris- 
tians, could  not  all  at  once  give  up  the  privileges 
accruing  to  their  position  of  superiority.  It  was  impos- 
sible for  the  Young  Turks  immediately  to  substitute  new 
officials  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire  for  those  trained 
under  the  Old  Regime  and  thus  to  ensure  tranquillity 
throughout  the  Ottoman  Dominions.  It  seems  more 
than  likely  that  secret  agents  of  the  reactionary  party, 
probably  assisted  with  money  either  provided  from 
Yildiz  or  by  those  who  had  formerly  depended  on  Yildiz, 
not  only  for  their  positions  of  importance  but  for  their 
wealth,  moved  about  the  interior  of  the  whole  Empire 


176  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

and  especially  of  its  Asiatic  Provinces,  stirring  up 
trouble  where  best  they  could.  There  is  ample  proof 
that  the  massacres  were  encouraged,  if  not  directly 
caused,  by  reactionary  feelings.  As  Christians  were 
actually  being  killed  they  were  told  to  **  take  that  for 
their  liberty."  Moreover,  not  only  was  the  arch  which 
had  been  erected  to  commemorate  the  Constitution  out- 
side the  Adana  Konak  pulled  down,  but  cheers  were 
given  by  the  crowd  for  Abdul  Hamid. 

Whilst  considering  the  causes  of  the  Adana  massacre 
it  must  be  remembered  that  the  greater  part  of  the 
district  subjected  to  this  awful  outbreak  had  hardly 
been  touched  in  the  years  1895  and  1896.  The 
influence  of  the  foreign  consuls,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
international  warships  which  patrolled  the  coast,  secured 
this  comparative  immunity.  Therefore,  during  all  the 
years  which  intervened  between  1896  and  1909  the 
Christians  who  inhabited  the  very  fertile  Plain  of 
Cilicia  increased  both  in  numbers  and  in  wealth.  It 
only,  therefore,  required  a  spark  left  behind  by  any 
fanatical  or  reactionary  agent  to  kindle  the  smouldering 
embers  of  Mohammedan  jealousy  against  the  Armenian 
population  of  this  district. 

I  have  already  said  enough  to  convince  my  readers 
that  the  massacres  were  probably  remotely  caused  by 
the  talk  of  equality  which  roused  the  Moslems  to  a  state 
of  fury,  by  the  extreme  orators  of  both  religions,  by  the 
somewhat  foolish  actions  of  a  very  small  section  of  the 
Armenian  community,  and  by  the  feebleness  and  negli- 
gence of  the  governmental  officials  in  the  localities 
in  which  massacres  actually  occurred.  Most  of  these 
officials^  under  the  plea  of  having  their  powers  restricted 
by  the  newly -granted  liberty,  undoubtedly  permitted  the 
followers  of  both  religions — always  opposed  to  one 
another — to  arm  themselves  until  a  conflict  became  in- 
evitable. It  seems  as  if  the  spark  which  finally  ignited 
the  fire  was  the  publication  of  a  series  of  inflammatory 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      177 

articles  against  the  Christians  in  the  Adana  Press, 
followed  by  a  small  local  conflict  which  I  have  already 
described.  The  outburst  of  Mohammedan  fury  may, 
perhaps,  have  been  hastened  on  by  the  arrival  of  news 
of  the  events  in  Constantinople  on  April  13th.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  the  local  Government  could  both  have 
foreseen  and  prevented  the  outbreak, »  and  that  had 
its  officials  attempted  to  carry  out  their  duties,  it  would 
have  been  possible  for  them,  whatever  was  the  feeling 
of  the  population,  not  only  to  have  taken  measures 
to  stop  the  massacre  in  the  town  of  Adana,  but  also  to 
have  made  certain  that  adequate  precautions  were  taken 
to  prevent  the  disaster  spreading  to  the  village  districts, 
and  thus  to  have  saved  the  lives  of  over  20,000 
Christians. 

It  is  difficult  to  give  any  idea  as  to  the  general  and 
permanent  effect  of  the  Adana  massacres  upon  the 
future  of  the  Turkish  Empire.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
the  Ottoman  Christians  throughout  the  Empire  who  were, 
and  are,  united  in  their  desire  for  a  regenerated  Turkish 
Kingdom,  and  who  for  the  most  part  have  been  sincere 
in  their  endeavours  to  assist  the  reformers  of  Turkey, 
have  been  discouraged,  not  only  by  the  massacre  itself, 
but  by  the  manner  in  which  the  Young  Turks  have 
dealt  with  those  who,  according  to  their  own  account, 
are  so  largely  responsible  for  the  outbreak  of  April, 
1909.  The  following  brief  extract  from  a  declaration 
signed  by  the  heads  of  the  various  Christian  com- 
munities in  Adana,  and  presented  to  different  depart- 
ments of  the  Government,  will  give  an  idea  of  the 
attitude  of  the  Armenians  towards  the  Government  in 
June,  1909.  This  document  was  drawn  up  during 
the  period  when  Mustafa  Zihni  Pasha,  who  succeeded 
Djevad  Bey  and  who  preceded  Ahmed  Djemal  Bey, 
was  Governor-General  of  the  vilayet  of  Adana.  The 
translation  is  as  follows  : 

*  The  Governors  of  certain  places  did  prevent  a  massacre  in  the 
districts  over  which  they  ruled. 

12 


178  THE"  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

**  We  again  declare  our  loyalty  to  the  Constitution. 
We  are  ready  and  eager  to  make  any  sacrifice  for  the 
true  welfare  of  our  beloved  land,  and  we  declare  also 
that  we  cherish  no  spirit  of  revenge,  notwithstanding 
the  sufferings  which  we  have  endured.  Our  earnest  plea 
to  our  Moslem  fellow-countrymen  is  that  they  should 
work  in  harmony  with  the  various  other  communities 
which  compose  the  Ottoman  Empire.  May  the  goodwill 
and  fellowship  which  appeared  at  the  time  of  the  procla- 
mation of  the  Constitution  appear  again.  With  mahce 
toward  none,  and  charity  and  justice  toward  all,  and 
with  the  hope  of  healing  the  grievous  wounds  in  the 
vitals  of  our  country,  let  us  unite  in  securing  the  present 
and  future  prosperity  of  our  land.  In  one  word  let 
unity,  fraternity,  equality,  and  justice  prevail." 

At  a  time  when  the  Armenians  of  Asia  Minor  were 
undoubtedly  becoming  somewhat  reassured,  and  when 
the  sufferings  of  the  survivors  were  as  far  as  possible 
being  alleviated,  not  only  by  the  energetic  measures 
taken  by  the  International  Relief  Committee,  but  also 
by  the  assistance  of  the  money  subscribed  by  the 
Turkish  Government,  the  feeling  of  uneasiness  was  in- 
creased and  greatly  prolonged  by  the  method  in  which 
the  preliminary  investigations  as  to  the  causes  of  the 
massacre  were  carried  out,  and  by  the  unjust  manner 
in  which  the  courts-martial  fulfilled  the  duty  entrusted 
to  them. 

Although  the  massacre  took  place  in  April,  1909, 
yet  such  was  the  continued  state  of  unrest  that  on  the 
day  of  my  arrival  in  Mersina  (October  14th)  I  found 
Christians  crowding  down  from  Adana  by  train  either 
in  order  to  avoid  passing  the  Bairam  festivities  in  the 
interior  of  Asia  Minor,  or,  if  sufficient  money  was  avail- 
able, to  take  refuge  in  Cyprus  for  the  time  being. 
Again,  during  the  Moslem  festival  of  Kourban  Bairam, 
which  fell  in  1909  near  the  end  of  the  month  of 
December,  the  Christians  of  the  Adana  district  were  a 


■'  J  D        ■>  ' 


)0     0"*      -^ 


AN  ANXIENT  GATEWAY  AT  TARSUS. 


To  face  p.  179. 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      179 

good  deal  frightened.  At  that  period,  too,  there  were 
threats  towards  the  Armenians  on  the  part  of  some 
of  the  Turks.  Although,  as  it  turned  out,  these  pre- 
cautions and  fears  were  quite  unnecessary,  yet  it  is 
impossible  for  those  who  have  not  seen  the  state  of 
devastation  that  then  existed  throughout  the  district 
to  realise  the  horrors  to  which  these  people  might  be 
subjected  if  any  recurrence  of  these  events  had  or  did 
occur.  It  is  necessary  for  people  who  glibly  criticise 
the  Armenians,  either  for  their  supposed  stupidity 
during  a  massacre  or  for  their  timidity  after  the 
slaughter  is  over,  to  realise  what  they  would  feel 
had  they  seen  some  of  the  events  which  I  have 
not  thought  fit  to  describe  in  the  foregoing  pages. 
Foreigners  who  have  been  present  at  other  Armenian 
massacres  declare  that  this  onslaught  at  Adana  was 
the  worst  they  have  ever  known.  In  order  to  explain 
some  of  the  reasons  connected  with  the  Adana 
massacres  which  have  largely  increased  the  Christian 
feeling  of  distrust  for  their  Turkish  masters,  I  am  about 
to  deal  briefly  with  the  manner  in  which  the  Ottoman 
Government  investigated  the  causes  of  the  massacre, 
and  the  system  by  which  it  punished  some  of  the 
supposed  wrongdoers. 

With  the  object  of  making  my  explanation  the  more 
clear,  I  propose  to  divide  my  account  of  the  effect  of 
the  Adana  courts -martial  into  two  parts  :  (i)  a 
description  of  the  various  courts  of  inquiry,  parlia- 
mentary commissions,  and  courts -martial  which  have 
either  investigated  the  reasons  of  the  massacre  or  have 
professed  to  try  accused  persons  for  acts  which  they 
did  or  did  not  commit  ;  (2)  a  short  account  of  a  few 
of  the  persons  who  I  consider  have  not  received  the 
punishment  which  their  acts  of  commission  or  omission 
must  undoubtedly  have  merited. 

As  a  consequence  of  the  first  massacre  in  Adana, 
a  court  of  inquiry,  largely  composed  of  local  officials. 


180  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

was  assembled.  Among  the  members  of  this  court 
was  the  well-known  Abdul  Kadir  Bagdadi— a  Moslem 
notable  of  Adana,  of  whom  I  shall  say  more  later  on. 
This  commission,  bearing  in  mind  what  was  then  the 
Turkish  attitude,  namely,  that  the  massacre  was  caused 
by  the  supposed  menacing  conduct  of  the  Armenians, 
at  once  instigated  a  house-to-house  search  for  arms. 
The  weapons  of  all  Armenians  were  carefully  seized. 
It  is  argued  that  the  arms  of  the  Moslems  were  con- 
fiscated in  a  like  manner  ;  but  in  view  of  the  subsequent 
slaughter  and  of  the  efficient  manner  in  which  the 
Moslems  were  then  armed,  it  is  impossible  to  believe 
that  this  search  was  fairly  and  impartially  carried  out. 
Immediately  after  the  second  massacre  Armenians, 
thousands  of  whom,  as  I  have  explained,  had  taken 
refuge  in  the  factory  of  Mr.  Trypani,  and  in  other  in- 
stitutions at  Adana,  were  arrested  by  order  of  this  pre- 
liminary commission.  These  arrests  caused  an  absolute 
panic  amongst  the  already  terrified  people,  huddled 
together  so  closely  that  they  had  not  even  sufficient 
space  all  to  lie  down  at  the  same  time. 

The  unfair  influence  which  the  decision  come  to  by 
this  court  of  inquiry  was  likely  to  have  upon  the 
members  of  the  courts -martial  was  fully  realised  by  the 
Armenian  Patriarch  at  Constantinople,  who  requested 
the  Turkish  authorities  that  the  preliminary  examinations 
made  by  the  governmental  officials  at  Adana,  by  the  in- 
fluential persons  there,  and  by  the  body  formed  from  the 
persons  responsible  for  the  events  should  be  considered 
as  null  and  void.  In  spite  of  these  protests,  although 
this  preliminary  court  of  inquiry  made  no  public 
decision,  yet  the  report  which  was  drawn  up  by  it  did 
undoubtedly  prejudice  the  members  of  the  court-martial 
when  they  arrived  at  Adana.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
the  courts -martial  did,  in  fact,  take  over  the  prisoners 
with  a  tremendous  dossier  made  out  by  the  sub- 
committee of  inquiry  formed  by  Djevad  Bey,  Vali  of 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      181 

Adana,  during  the  massacre.  When  the  Armenian 
Patriarch  subsequently  understood  that  the  opinion  of 
the  preliminary  court  of  inquiry  had  been  accepted, 
and  that  some  of  the  decisions  arrived  at  by  the  courts - 
martial  had  not  only  most  probably  been  influenced 
by  the  opinion  of  the  preliminary  inquiry,  but  were 
unjust,  his  Holiness  tendered  his  resignation  to  the 
Grand  Vizier.  Negotiations  were  in  course  of  pro- 
gress between  the  Patriarch  and  the  Turkish  Govern- 
ment for  many  months,  and  the  Patriarch  did  not 
finally  withdraw  his  resignation  until  he  had  been 
promised  a  satisfactory  solution  to  some  of  his  com- 
plaints by  Hakki  Pasha,  the  then  newly-appointed 
Grand   Vizier,   at   the   beginning   of   February,    1910. 

After  the  dispersal  of  the  first  court  of  inquiry,  two 
courts -martial,  composed  of  officers  drawn  from  the 
European  Army  Corps,  were  sent  from  Constantinople 
to  Adana.  The  appointment  of  the  first  of  these 
courts  was  announced  in  the  capital  early  in  May, 
probably  largely  as  the  result  of  a  violent  attack  which 
was  made  upon  Djevad  Bey,  ex-Vali  of  Adana,  an'd 
upon  the  then  assistant  Minister  of  the  Interior,  who, 
many  people  considered,  was  negligent  in  the  order 
which  he,  acting  as  Minister  of  the  Interior,  gave  for 
the  prevention  of  the  massacre.  The  most  important 
of  these  courts -martial  accepted  petitions,  divided  up 
the  work  which  they  had  been  entrusted  to  carry  out, 
and  began  trying  some  of  the  prisoners.  As  a  conse- 
quence of  the  repeated  endeavours  of  the  Armenian 
Patriarchate,  about  the  time  that  it  became  apparent 
that  Djevad  Bey  and  Mustafa  Remsi  Pasha  and  other 
notables  must  be  subjected  to  trial,  Ismail  Fazil  Pasha, 
the  then  Military  Commander  of  Smyrna,  was  sent  to 
assume  supreme  control  of  the  legal  investigations .  This 
dignitary  (who  was  subsequently  made  Governor- 
General  of  the  vilayet  of  Damascus)  took  over  the 
presidency  of  the  second  court-martial,  which  eventu- 


182  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

ally  went  through  the  form  of  trying  Djevad  Bey  and 
Mustafa  Remsi  Pasha.  In  addition  to  these  two  courts- 
martial  which  were  assembled  at  Adana,  tribunals  were 
summoned  both  at  Marash  and  at  Erzin. 

Besides  the  above-mentioned  courts  of  inquiry  and 
courts -martial,  it  was  announced  early  in  May  that  a 
Parliamentary  Commission  composed  of  Babigian 
Effendi,  the  Armenian  deputy  for  Rodosto,  and  of 
Yussuf  Kemal,  a  Turkish  Member  of  Parliament, 
assisted  by  the  Moutessarif  of  Mersina,  would  be  sent 
to  Adana  to  investigate  the  causes  of  the  massacre. 
This  committee,  which  undoubtedly  attempted  to  carry 
out  its  work  in  an  unbiassed  manner,  is  believed  to 
have  reported  in  no  veiled  terms.  Babigian  Effendi 
having  died  at  Constantinople  before  his  report  was 
submitted  to  the  Chamber,  no  official  statement  as  to 
the  opinion  of  this  investigating  committee  has  ever 
been  published,  but  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  the 
circular  addressed  by  the  Sublime  Porte  to  provincial 
governors,  of  which  I  have  already  given  a  transla- 
tion, was  largely  based  upon  the  report  of  this 
Parliamentary  Commission. 

Up  to  the  time  that  this  Commission  completed  its 
report,  the  manner  in  which  the  courts-martial  carried 
out  their  investigations  was  extremely  unsatisfactory.  It 
seems  too  clear  that  the  courts -martial  at  first  assumed 
that  the  massacres  were  actually  either  an  Armenian 
rebellion,  or  at  least  that  the  conduct  of  the  Turks 
was  caused  by  their  well-founded  fear  of  a  Christian 
insurrection.  The  Government  did  nothing  to 
encourage  the  Armenians  to  make  complaints  against 
Turks  of  importance.  The  Armenians  consequently 
feared  to  volunteer  any  evidence,  because  they  knew 
if  they  did  so,  and  the  Government  failed  to  act  upon 
it,  that  the  person  accused  would  take  good  care  to 
have  his  revenge  against  the  person  complaining. 
Subsequent    to    the    completion    of    the    report    of    the 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      183 

Parliamentary  Commission,  some  improvement  became 
noticeable  in  the  manner  in  which  the  courts -martial 
carried  out  their  duties. 

The  methods  adopted  at  the  trial  of  prisoners  by  these 
courts -martial  have  had  so  great  an  effect  in  Turkey, 
largely  owing  to  the  feelings  of  apprehension  which  they 
have  stirred  up  amongst  the  Christian  elements  of  the 
population  throughout  the  Empire,  that  I  am  about  to 
give  a  brief  description  of  the  procedure  as  a  result  of 
which  important  final  decisions  were  arrived  at.  Nine 
Moslems  and  six  Armenians  were  subjected  to  capital 
punishment  in  the  autumn  of  1909,  besides  twenty-five 
Moslems  who  were  hanged  during  the  month  of 
December  of  that  year. 

The  members  of  the  courts -martial  themselves 
examined  and  cross-examined  the  accused,  after  which 
witnesses  for  the  prosecution  were  called.  If  the 
accused  desired  to  summon  any  witnesses  in  his  defence, 
these  men  were  then  examined.  The  interrogation  of 
the  witnesses,  whether  for  the  prosecution  or  defence, 
was  not,  however,  carried  out  in  the  presence  of  the 
accused.  It  is  obvious  that  this  method  of  conducting 
the  trial  of  ignorant  men,  and  of  examining  in- 
experienced witnesses  would  certainly  not  conduce 
towards  obtaining  the  truth. 

Far  more  unsatisfactory  are  the  circumstances  under 
which  certain  of  the  prisoners  were  condemned  to  death. 
It  seems  almost  certain  that  at  least  three  of  the 
Armenians  actually  hanged  were,  in  fact,  entirely 
innocent.  The  friends  of  one  of  these  poor  fellows 
were  ready  to  give  evidence  that  the  man  in  question 
took  refuge  in  the  courtyard  of  Mr.  Chambers's  house 
at  the  very  commencement  of  the  massacre  and  stayed 
there  until  it  was  over.  Mr.  Chambers  himself  actually 
saw  this  man  in  his  house  during  the  afternoon  of  the 
massacre  (but  a  few  hours  after  the  onslaught  began) 
and  believes  that  he  remained  there  until  all  was  quiet. 


184         THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

It  is  certainly  natural  to  assume  that  a  man  who  had 
once  gained  access  to  a  place  of  safety  would  not 
again  voluntarily  venture  into  the  streets  filled  with 
people  anxious  to  take  his  life.  Neither  Mr.  Chambers 
nor  the  friends  of  the  executed  man,  who  actually 
signed  a  petition  which  was  handed  to  the  proper 
authority,  were  ever  called  upon  to  give  evidence  at 
the  trial  of  this  Armenian. 

In  the  case  of  the  second  Armenian  who  was  un- 
justly condemned,  a  well-known  European  at  Adana 
was  prepared  to  swear  that  the  man  in  question  was 
in  his  (the  European*s)  house  throughout  the  massacre. 
According  to  statements  made  by  Babigian  Effendi  (one 
of  the  members  of  the  Parliamentary  Commission  of 
inquiry)  in  an  interview  with  a  Constantinople 
journalist,  a  third  Armenian  who  was  subsequently 
hanged  went  to  the  Adana  branch  of  the  Ottoman 
Bank  on  business  before  the  massacre  began,  and 
owing  to  the  commencement  of  the  outbreak,  and 
to  the  consequent  danger  of  being  in  the  streets,  re- 
mained hidden  in  the  bank  for  four  days  until  the 
town  was  again  quiet.  According  to  the  further  testi- 
mony of  Babigian  Effendi,  in  spite  of  the  evidence 
given  by  the  director  of  the  bank  and  all  the  officials 
of  that  establishment  as  to  the  innocence  of  this 
Armenian,  the  court,  '*  relying  upon  the  revengeful 
statements  of  other  men,"  condemned  him  to  death.  In 
addition  to  the  wrongful  execution  of  the  Christians 
whose  cases  I  have  commented  upon  in  detail,  I  under- 
stand that  several  of  the  first  nine  Moslems  subjected 
to  capital  punishment  were  probably  unjustly  sentenced. 
I  have  reason  to  believe  that  even  Mohammedans  were 
arrested  and  sentenced  to  death  because  the  Turkish 
authorities  wanted  to  get  hold  of  them  for  committing 
some  real  or  supposed  offence  prior  to  and  quite  apart 
from  the  massacres.  Out  of  the  nine  Moslems  hanged, 
two   and    I    believe    more    belonged    to    one    family  of 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      185 

butchers  who  carried  on  an  honest  business  in 
Adana. 

Sufficient  is  known  concerning,  not  only  the  negligence 
of  Djevad  Bey  but  also  of  his  cowardly  conduct  during 
the  events  in  Adana,  to  prove,  unless  some  evidence 
in  his  favour  was  suppressed,  that  the  punishment  in- 
flicted upon  him  by  the  military  tribunal  was  quite 
inadequate.  His  Excellency  was  simply  sentenced  to 
be  debarred  from  service  in  any  official  position  for 
a  period  of  six  or  seven  years.  The  Turkish  Parlia- 
mentary Commission  itself  had  condemned  him. 
Whether  the  lenient  treatment  which  was  meted  out  to 
this  official  was  due  (as  it  was  rumoured  to  have  been) 
to  the  threat  of  Djevad  Bey,  that  if  he  were  punished  by 
the  Central  Government  he  would  produce  documents 
which  would  compromise  officials  holding  positions  in 
the  employment  of  the  State,  must  long  remain  a  mys- 
tery. Whatever  information  concerning  the  imrest  in  the 
Adana  vilayet  may  or  may  not  have  been  forwarded  to 
the  Central  Government  by  the  Vali  during  the  time 
which  intervened  between  the  advent  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  massacres,  it  is  certain  that  when  his  Excellency 
did  apply  for  a  stronger  garrison  for  the  Adana  district 
at  the  time  of  the  Bairam  Feast  of  1908  (towards  the 
end  of  October)  he  was  merely  sent  a  battalion  from 
the  5th  Army  Corps — hardly  one  of  the  most  loyal 
sections  of  the  Turkish  Army. 

Mustafa  Remsi  Pasha,  the  Military  Commander, 
"who,  as  I  have  already  shown,  took  no  measures  to 
suppress  the  disturbance  in  Adana,  and  solely  safe- 
guarded his  own  life  during  those  dangerous  April 
days,  was  only  sentenced  to  three  months'  detention 
in  Mersina.  So  much  consideration  did  this  gentle- 
man receive  that,  during  his  sojourn  in  Adana,  before 
he  was  sent  to  Mersina,  his  Excellency  was  continually 
visited  by  Turks  of  all  classes.  On  the  day  of  Mustafa 
Remsi    Pasha's    departure    for    the    sea    coast    he    was 


186  THE  DANGER   ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

escorted  to  the  station  at  Adana  by  Mehmed  Ali  Bey, 
the  then  commander  of  the  troops  in  the  city.  The 
departure  of  this  criminal  from  his  former  command, 
in  the  special  first-class  carriage  always  used  on  this 
line  for  distinguished  visitors,  seems  to  have  been  more 
like  a  hearty  send-off  for  a  general  embarking  upon  a 
campaign  than  the  retreat  of  a  malefactor  undergoing 
a  sentence  for  his  crime. 

Ihsan  Fikri,  the  editor  and  proprietor  of  the  Iktidal 
newspaper  published  in  Adana,  who  made  use  of  his 
columns  to  promulgate  inflammatory  articles  both  before 
and  during  the  massacre,  was  sentenced  to  two  years' 
exile— I  believe  in  Bagdad.  Owing  to  the  fact  that  this 
gentleman,  who  embarked  at  Mersina  nominally  for 
Bagdad,  travelled  without  any  escort,  perhaps  even  on  a 
foreign  ship,  he  not  unnaturally  disembarked  in  Egypt, 
where  he  remained  for  some  months.  During  his 
sojourn  in  Egypt  this  journalist  stated  in  an  interview 
with  a  newspaper  representative  at  Cairo  that  **  the 
members  of  the  court-martial  did  not  even  ask  him  a 
single  word  on  the  subject  of  the  publications  made 
against  the  Armenians  in  the  Iktidal,  because  they 
(the  court-martial)  knew  very  well  that  all  the  publica- 
tions which  had  appeared  in  his  paper  were  drawn 
up  by  the  secretary  of  the  Government  at  Adana  and 
sent  to  him  to  be  published  under  his  own  signature, 
and  that  he  was  compelled  to  act  in  consequence.*' 
Ihsan  Fikri  stated  at  the  same  time  that  he  considered 
that  '*  the  local  Governor  knew  very  well  that  the 
massacre  would  take  place,  and  that  if  the  case  arose 
he  would  prove  the  truth  of  what  he  said  from 
documents  which  he  possessed."  As  to  whether  or  not 
Ihsan  Fikri  spoke  the  truth  when  he  was  thus  inter- 
viewed in  Cairo,  I  am  unable  to  give  any  opinion. 
During  my  stay  in  Constantinople  at  the  end  of 
November,  1909,  Ihsan  Fikri  suddenly  arrived  in  the 
capital   from   Egypt.      After   being    allowed    to   spend 


CAUSES  AND  RESULTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE      187 

several  days  in  Stamboul,  this  gentleman  was  hustled 
off  to  Konia — a  town  possessing  the  advantage  of  being 
off  the  beat  of  European  journalists.  If  the  Ottoman 
authorities  had  been  anxious  to  convince  the  world  of 
their  sincerity  in  wishing  to  punish  those  who  were 
responsible  for  the  massacres,  and  if,  as  they  contend, 
Ihsan  Fikri  was  one  of  these  persons,  it  would  have 
been  easy  for  the  Turkish  Government  to  arrest  him  in 
Constantinople,  either  on  a  charge  of  escaping  from  his 
exile  or  for  spreading  what  they  must  consider  to  be 
"  lying  "  reports  about  government  officials  during  his 
stay  in  Egypt.  On  more  than  one  occasion  I  have 
discussed  the  treatment  of  Ihsan  Fikri  with  Young 
Turks,  but  I  have  never  succeeded  in  obtaining  any 
satisfactory   answers    to   my   inquiries    on    the    subject. 

Abdul  Kadir  Bagdadi,  the  notable  of  Adana,  who  had 
always  been  guilty  of  inciting  Moslems  against  Chris- 
tians, and  who  is  even  said  to  have  arranged  how  and 
which  bazaars  should  be  attacked,  was  only  condemned 
to  be  exiled  for  two  years.  The  Governor  of  Jebel 
Bereket,  who  was  tried  and  condemned  twice  for  his 
conduct  during  the  massacres,  was  subsequently  allowed 
to  go  about  as  if  nothing  had  happened. 

I  am  unable  to  discover  any  satisfactory  reasons  why 
these  notable  men  were  so  leniently  dealt  with.  The 
explanations  given  by  the  Turkish  authorities  are  quite 
insufficient.  It  is  only  possible  to  draw  two  conclu- 
sions from  the  attitude  which  the  Young  Turks  took  up 
towards  those  who  are  felt  by  the  civilised  world  to 
be  largely  responsible  for  the  massacres.  The  Central 
Government  at  Constantinople  feared  to  punish  these 
men  in  an  adequate  manner  either  because  it  was  itself 
implicated  in  the  massacre  or  because  it  was  afraid 
of  what  the  general  or  local  effect  of  this  sufficient 
punishment  might  be.  Assuming,  as  I  have  already 
asked  the  readers  of  these  pages  to  assume,  that  the 
Young   Turks   are   not   themselves    directly   responsible 


188  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

for  the  outbreak,  then  we  must  conclude  that  the  second 
cause  of  the  lenient  treatment  of  these  officials  is  the 
true  one.  However  this  may  be,  and  although  there  is 
no  doubt  that  innocent  men  have  suffered  as  a  result 
of  the  Adana  courts -martial  and  that  important  Turks 
have  been  unfairly  exonerated,  yet  it  must  not  be  for- 
gotten that  a  large  number  of  Moslems  have  actually 
been  hanged  as  a  punishment  for  murdering  Christians. 
Whilst  some  of  these  executed  people  were  wealthy, 
others  were  religious  leaders,  or  men  who  held  high 
political  positions  in  their  respective  communities. 

As  far  as  I  know,  this  is  the  first  time  in 
the  history  of  Islam  that  Mohammedans  have  been 
hanged  for  murdering  Christians.  As  a  result  of  the 
revolution  of  April,  1909,  in  Constantinople,  Moslems 
of  the  Old  Regime  were  hanged  by  Moslems  of  the 
New  Regime,  not  for  killing  Christians  but  for  plotting 
against  other  Moslems.  The  manner  in  which  the 
Young  Turkey  Government  has  dealt  with  the  Adana 
massacres,  although  undoubtedly  unsatisfactory,  cer- 
tainly indicates  that  some  attempt  has  been  made, 
not  only  to  deal  justly  but  to  preserve  law  and  order 
and  to  make  the  lives  of  all  men  more  secure.  The 
New  Regime,  even  if  it  has  been  unable  to  punish 
adequately  the  most  important  members  of  the  popula- 
tion, has  at  least  possessed  sufficient  power  to  carry 
out  a  policy  radically  opposed  to  the  earliest  traditions 
of  the  Mohammedans  of  Turkey. 


VII 

ASIA  MINOR   UNDER  THE   NEW   REGIME 

Reasons  for  my  visit  to  Asia  Minor — The  Law  Courts — Reforms  in  the 
vilayet  of  Adana— Djemal  Bey  and  some  of  his  projects — The 
Governor  of  Missis — A  journey  across  the  Taurus  Mountains — The 
Bagdad  Railway — Reforms  in  the  vilayet  of  Konia — The  irrigation 
of  the  Plain  of  Konia — Reforms  in  the  vilayet  of  Angora. 

Whatever  may  be  the  number  and  the  magnitude  of 
the  complicated  problems  which  beset  the  Young  Turks 
in  European  Turkey,  and  however  great  may  be  the 
dangers  which  have  to  be  encountered  from  external 
foes,  it  is  by  the  support  or  the  opposition  of  the 
population  of  the  Asiatic  Provinces  of  the  Empire 
that  the  destiny  of  the  reformers  of  Turkey  will 
be  decided.  Whether  or  not  the  Christians  of 
Macedonia  rise  against  one  another  or  against  the 
Government,  or  whether  or  not  some  foreign  Power 
should  endeavour  to  establish  herself  at  Salonika,  in 
any  case,  as  long  as  the  seventeen  or  eighteen  million 
Ottomans  who  reside  in  the  Asiatic  Provinces  of  the 
Sultan  remain  loyal  to  the  Caliph,  it  is  certain  that  the 
Turkish  Empire  must  continue  to  be  an  important 
factor  in  the  world's  politics. 

When  I  returned  to  Constantinople  after  a  consider- 
able sojourn  in  the  European  Provinces  of  the  Turkish 
Empire,  I  was  faced  by  the  difficult  problem  of  decid- 
ing whither  I  should  travel  in  order  to  gain  some  idea 
of  the  effect  of  the  Constitution  in  Anatolia.     After  due 

189 


190  THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

consideration  and  careful  consultation  with  those  best 
informed  concerning  the  state  of  Asia  Minor,  I  decided 
to  sail  from  Constantinople  to  Mersina  and  thence,  after 
investigating  the  causes  and  effects  of  the  xA.dana 
massacres  and  actually  seeing  the  destruction  which 
had  taken  place,  to  return  across  the  Taurus  Mountains 
by  way  of  Konia  and  Angora  to  the  shores  of  the 
Bosphorus.  By  adopting  this  course  I  was  enabled,  not 
only  to  follow  the  route  of  a  large  portion  of  the  most 
difficult  section  of  the  Bagdad  Railway,  and  to  gain 
information  concerning  an  important  work  of  irrigation 
which  is  being  carried  out,  but  also  to  visit  the  head- 
quarters of  three  vilayets,  each  of  which  is  in  many 
ways  different  to  any  other  in  the  Turkish  Empire. 

During  my  journey  across  Asia  Minor  and  in  course 
of  my  visits  to  various  towns  I  endeavoured  both  by 
personal  intercourse,  not  only  with  the  governmental 
officials  but  also  with  the  more  important  Christian 
magnates,  to  ascertain  what  changes  and  reforms 
actually  had  been  or  were  about  to  be  carried  out  in 
the  Asiatic  dominions  of  the  Empire.  In  order  to 
make  what  I  saw  and  heard  more  intelligible,  I  propose 
to  take  some  of  the  worst  abuses  practised  under  the 
Old  Regime  and  to  discuss  them  very  briefly,  and  then 
to  describe  what  I  found  had  been  done  to  reform 
them,  and  what  proposals  had  been  made  for  the  future 
administration  of  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor. 

It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  under  the  Old  Regime 
the  manner  in  which  justice  was  administered  left 
almost  everything  to  be  desired.  Although  the  neces- 
sary reforms  had  not  been  carried  out  at  the  time  of 
my  expedition  across  Asia  Minor,  yet  some  steps  in  the 
direction  of  reform  had  actually  been  taken  and  others 
were  in  progress.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  during 
the  summer  of  1909  Count  Leon  Ostrorog,  the  able 
Foreign  Councillor  at  the  Ottoman  Ministry  of  Justice, 
drew  up  a  series  of  recommendations  which  were  sub- 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE  NEW  Rl^GIME     191 

sequently  submitted  to  the  Minister  of  Justice,  I  have 
not  attempted  either  to  give  any  idea  of  all  the  reforms 
thus  proposed  or  even  to  take  my  details  from  it, 
because  I  feel  that  although  the  proposals  made  are 
excellent  in  principle,  owing  to  the  ignorance  of  the 
officials  upon  whom  their  execution  must  depend,  so 
elaborate  and  ably  thought  out  a  programme  can 
hardly  be  realised,  at  least  in  the  near  future. 

At  the  capital  of  each  vilayet  the  law-courts  are 
composed  of  (i)  a  Court  of  Appeal,  which  is  divided 
into  a  civil  and  a  criminal  branch  ;  (2)  a  lower  or 
sort  of  County  Court,  consisting  of  civil  and  criminal 
departments.  This  County  Court  is  not  what  may 
be  called  part  of  the  vilayet  organisation,  as  it  is  also 
supposed  to  exist  at  the  headquarters  of  each  sanjak 
(smaller  administrative  division  than  a  vilayet).  It 
therefore  really  exists  at  the  capital  of  each  province, 
because  that  town  is  also  the  centre  of  a  sanjak.  I 
believe  that  for  many  years  the  presidents  of  these 
two  kinds  of  court  have  been  nominated  and  sent  from 
Constantinople,  but  that  the  members  have  usually 
been  drawn  from  the  more  important  local  inhabitants, 
who  carry  on  their  ordinary  businesses  as  well  as 
administering   justice   in   the   country. 

In  the  more  important  and  civilised  vilayets  of 
Asia  Minor,  including  Angora,  Konia,  Adana,  Smyrna, 
Aleppo,  Brousa,  and  Kastamouni,  it  has  now  been 
decided  to  nominate,  not  only  the  presidents  but  the 
members  of  the  above-described  Court  of  Appeal  and 
of  the  County  Court  from  Constantinople.  This  reform 
when  it  has  been  effectively  carried  out  will  subject 
the  Turkish  Government  to  considerable  extra  expense, 
as  it  is  obvious  that  officials  who  are  unable  to  carry 
on  their  private  businesses  as  well  as  holding  a  govern- 
ment appointment  must  receive  higher  salaries  than 
those  formerly  paid  to  local  magnates.  Not  only 
will  an   increase   in   salary   enable  the   Government   to 


192  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

obtain  men  who  have  some  idea  of  the  laws  of  the 
land,  but  it  will  be  reasonable  for  the  country  to  expect 
these  properly-salaried  officials  to  devote  all  their  time 
to  legal  business,  whereas  previously  the  courts  often 
only  sat  for  about  two  hours  in  the  day,  thereby  causing 
enormous  delay  before  cases  could  be  brought  for- 
ward. At  Smyrna,  Beyrouth,  and  Aleppo,  besides 
important  towns  of  European  Turkey,  the  Commercial 
Courts  which  have  existed  in  the  past  are  to  be  main- 
tained. It  is  intended  also  to  form  these  tribunals  to 
deal  with  commercial  cases  in  other  towns,  the  trading 
importance  of  which  merit  their  creation.  Each  of 
these  courts  is  made  up  of  a  president  and  three 
members  who  are  supposed  to  possess  a  knowledge  of 
mercantile  matters. 

The  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  inhabitants  in 
the  interior  of  an  immense  country  like  Turkey  depend 
as  much  upon  the  justice  and  fairness  with  which  the 
gendarmerie  and  police  carry  out  their  duties  as  upon 
anything  else.  As  I  have  dealt  elsewhere  in  general 
with  the  regulations  which  have  been  introduced  for 
the  reform  of  the  gendarmerie,  I  propose  here  only 
to  comment  upon  the  changes  which  actually  have  been 
or  are  about  to  be  effected  in  the  gendarmerie  and  police 
of  the  districts  of  Asia  Minor,  in  which  I  have  travelled. 
From  personal  experience  and  from  careful  inspection 
I  can  testify  to  the  fact  that  the  men  of  both  the 
gendarmerie  and  the  police  have  greatly  improved. 

Although,  owing  to  the  abnormal  conditions  which 
had  prevailed  for  some  months  at  the  time  of  my 
visit  to  the  vilayet  of  Adana,  this  may  scarcely  be  a 
suitable  district  from  which  to  draw  any  concise  con- 
clusions as  to  the  ordinary  reforms  which  have  been 
or  which  are  about  to  be  carried  out  in  Asia  Minor,  yet 
for  special  reasons  I  am  going  to  describe  the  changes 
which  I  found  had  been  made  or  were  proposed  at 
Adana  more  fully  than  I   would  otherwise  attempt  to 


ahmp:d  djemal  bey,  vali  of  adana. 


To  face  p.  193. 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE   NEW  R]^GIME     193 

do.  Not  only  is  the  district  of  Adana,  with  its  rich 
lands  and  its  mixed  population,  probably  one  of  the 
most  difficult  to  govern  throughout  the  country,  but 
the  fertile  Plain  of  Cilicia,  which  forms  so  important 
a  part  of  the  vilayet,  will,  if  properly  administered,  be 
vastly  more  productive  than  it  has  ever  been  in  the 
past.  Moreover,  Djemal  Bey,  who  was  specially 
selected  to  take  over  the  government  of  this  province 
in  August,  1909,  and  who,  I  beheve,  only  undertook  the 
responsibility  of  re-establishing  order  on  condition  that 
he  was  allowed  to  remain  at  Adana  for  at  least  three 
years,  was  so  closely  mixed  up  in  all  the  stirring  events 
which  preceded  the  granting  of  the  Constitution  by  the 
ex -Sultan  Abdul  Hamid,  and  appeared  to  me  to  be  so 
busily  engaged  in  carrying  out  the  programme  of  the 
Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  that  his  methods 
of  government  and  his  proposals  for  reform  are,  it  is 
to  be  hoped,  typical  of  those  which  the  Committee  of 
Union  and  Progress  (if  it  is  able  to  maintain  its 
position  of  power)  finally  intends  to  introduce  through- 
out the  Empire. 

Djemal  Bey,  who  is  a  smart,  simple-hearted,  ener- 
getic Turkish  officer  of  about  forty-three  years  of  age, 
besides  being  actively  connected  with  the  Young  Turkey 
revolt  of  1908,  played  a  considerable  part  in  the  re- 
capture of  Constantinople,  after  the  counter-revolution 
of  April,  1909.  Although  during  the  Old  R6gime, 
probably  owing  to  being  a  mere  regimental  officer, 
his  Excellency  was  never  exiled  or  compelled  to  fly 
for  safety  from  the  Ottoman  dominions,  as  were  so 
many  Young  Turk  patriots,  yet  Djemal  Bey  has 
obtained  some  knowledge  of  European  cities  and 
iWestem  civilisation  from  visits  which  he  has  made; 
to  Paris,  Buda  Pesth,  and  other  foreign  capitals. 
Although  the  Governor  of  Adana  is  essentially  a  regi- 
mental officer  (he  was  a  colonel  in  the  Army),  inexperi- 
enced in  the  affairs  of  State,  yet  it  must  not  be  supposed 

13 


194  THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

that  drill  and  elegant  uniforms  were  the  only  things 
which  occupied  his  mind  before  he  came  to  Adana. 
Prior  to  the  revolution  Djemal  Bey  was  the  author  of 
at  least  one  book,  and  I  believe  that  another  work  by 
him  was  in  the  Press  of  one  of  the  Young  Turkey 
papers,  the  office  of  which  was  burnt  during  the  counter- 
revolution in  April,  1909.  Subsequent  to  the  revolution 
of  April,  1909  Djemal  Bey  was  made  Moutessarif  of 
Scutari,  where  he  remained  until,  after  two  imonths' 
persuasion  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  he  finally 
consented  to  undertake  the  responsibility  of  becoming 
Vali   of   Adana. 

Owing  to  the  difficulty  to  which  I  have  already  alluded 
of  obtaining  a  sufficient  supply  of  men  who  are  real 
supporters  of  the  New  Regime,  it  is  more  than  usually 
interesting,  not  only  to  study  the  character  of  an  official 
who  is,  undoubtedly,  endeavouring  to  further  the  cause 
of  liberty,  fraternity,  equality,  and  justice,  but  lalso, 
especially  in  a  country  where  militarism  is  the  spirit  of 
the  nation,  to  investigate  what  manner  of  rule  has  been 
set  up  by  this  young  soldier-Governor.  Although 
Djemal  Bey  is  a  Mohammedan  and,  perhaps,  in  his 
heart  of  hearts  may  think  that  the  Christian  is  inferior 
to  the  **  True  Believer,"  yet  he  does  not  allow  these 
prejudices,  even  if  they  exist,  to  interfere  with  the 
impartial  manner  in  which  he  endeavours  to  perform  his 
duty  towards  Turk  and  Christian  without  favour  or 
affection.  Not  only,  as  I  shall  attempt  to  show  later 
on,  has  Djemal  Bey  endeavoured  to  introduce  reforms 
throughout  his  province,  but  by  the  personal  interest 
which  he  has  taken  in  all  that  was  going  on  around  him, 
as  well  as  by  the  unceasing  energy  with  which  he  has 
occupied  himself  with  the  affairs  of  State,  his  Excel- 
lency has  done  much  to  re-establish  confidence  amongst 
the  inhabitants  of  his  province — a  confidence  which  was 
so  conspicuous  by  its  absence  when  Djemal  Bey  took 
over    the    reigns   of   government    from   Mustafa   Zihni 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE  NEW  REGIME     195 

Pasha  in  August,  1909.  If  the  majority  of  local 
Governors  in  the  Ottoman  dominions  were  as  fair  and 
as  liberal-minded  as  Djemal  Bey,  the  reforms  promised 
by  the  Young  Turks  would  now  at  least  be  on  the  way 
to   realisation. 

One  of  the  most  liberal  and  up-to-date  ideas 
possessed  by  Djemal  Bey  is  his  desire  to  found  a  per- 
manent Ottoman  orphanage  at  Adana  for  fatherless 
boys  and  girls  left  destitute  by  the  massacre.  The 
instruction  in  the  school,  which  it  is  hoped  may  even- 
tually contain  500  children,  is  to  be  purely  secular. 
Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Christian  and  Moslem 
children  are  to  be  allowed  to  go  to  their  places  of 
worship  on  Sundays  and  Fridays  respectively,  no  priest. 
Christian  or  Mohammedan,  is  to  be  allowed  to  enter 
the  establishment.  Children  in  order  to  be  eligible  for 
the  orphanage  must  be  between  the  ages  of  six  jand 
eleven  and  have  neither  father  nor  mother.  The 
language  of  the  institution  is  to  be  Turkish.  Although 
it  is  estimated  that  £T8,ooo  would  build,  and  £T3o,ooo 
would  endow  this  establishment  (an  excellent  site  has 
already  been  given  by  a  Moslem  magnate  at  Adana), 
it  seems  as  if  this  sum  might  take  some  time  to 
collect.  Moreover,  in  Turkey  each  child  educated  in 
a  school  of  this  kind  costs  at  least  £Ti2j  a  year  to 
cover  the  outlay  for  food,  clothing,  and  instruction. 
Unless,  therefore,  a  very  high  rate  of  interest  can  be 
obtained,  £T3o,ooo  would  hardly  endow  an  establish- 
ment accommodating  500  orphans.  Contracts  for  the 
construction  of  the  building  have  been  signed,  but  no 
work  had  actually  been  begun  in  October,  1910. 

In  addition  to  the  possible  difficulty  of  collecting 
sufficient  funds  to  start  the  Adana  orphanage,  it  is 
apparent  that  the  religious  prejudices  of  the  various 
elements  of  the  population  may  form  a  considerable 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  its  foundation,  ^^^hen  I  was 
in  Adana  the  Armenians  were  already   (in  my  opinion 


196  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

quite  unreasonably)  objecting  to  the  orphanage  on  re- 
ligious grounds.  Further,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that 
devout  Turks  will  sympathise  with  an  institution  of  this 
kind  owing  to  the  obligations  of  prayer  imposed  by 
the  Mohammedan  religion.  Unless  these  prayers  are 
to  be  purely  personal  worship,  or  unless  the  rules  pro- 
posed for  the  institution  are  to  be  broken,  it  would  be 
almost  necessary  to  have  a  Turkish  imam,  or  an 
instructor  to  take  the  place  of  an  imam,  who  might 
lead  the  pupils  in  their  religious  devotions.  Although 
no  Moslem  **  clergy  "  really  exist,  the  entrance  of  a 
khoja  or  imam  into  the  institution  would  certainly  give 
those  professing  Mohammedanism  an  unfair  advantage 
over  the  Christian  pupils  of  the  school,  whose  priests 
would,  in  all  probability,  not  be  permitted  to  enter 
the  establishment. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  immediate  object  of 
this  orphanage  is  to  take  in  fatherless  boys  and  girls 
left  destitute  as  a  result  of  the  Adana  massacres,  yet 
if  such  an  institution  could  once  be  successfully  started, 
it  would  be  a  precedent  for  establishing  more  homes 
with  somewhat  the  same  objects  in  other  parts  of  the 
Ottoman  dominions.  Whatever,  therefore,  may  be  the 
personal  views  of  my  readers  upon  religious  education 
in  schools,  it  is  impossible  for  them,  if  they  are  well- 
wishers  of  Turkey,  not  to  sympathise  with  any  object 
which  will  further  good  feeling  between  the  Moslems 
and  the  various  Christian  races  of  the  Turkish  Empire. 
T  have  described  this  orphanage  so  fully,  not  on  account 
of  its  own  actual  importance,  but  in  order  to  demon- 
strate the  really  broad-minded  ideas  of  the  most  liberal- 
minded  Turk  I  have  ever  met,  and  to  prove  that  if  the 
orphanage  is  ever  completed,  and  if  the  present  pro- 
gramme of  absolute  religious  equality  for  the  believers 
in  all  creeds  is  ever  maintained,  then  at  least  some 
Young  Turks  are  genuinely  anxious  for  the  establish- 
ment  of  equality  between  all   Ottomans. 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE  NEW  Rl^GIME     197 

In  the  vilayet  of  Adana  which  forms  part  of  the 
larger  gendarmerie  district  of  Beyrouth  I  found  that 
considerable  reforms  had  already  been  effected  or 
were  about  to  be  introduced  in  the  gendarmerie.  In  an 
interesting  conversation  which  I  had  with  Djemal  Bey, 
I  ascertained  that  his  Excellency  intended,  when  his 
scheme  was  fully  realised,  to  have  1,200  gendarmes  in 
the  vilayet.  These  1,200  men,  who  will  be  organised 
in  battalions,  are  to  be  divided  up  so  that  each  group 
of  four  or  five  villages  will  possess  a  gendarmerie 
post — under  the  conditions  of  existence  in  Asia  Minor, 
an  advantage  to  the  population  which  can  hardly  be 
overrated. 

The  ranks  of  the  gendarmerie  are  to  be  filled  by 
Christians  (from  whom  about  15  per  cent,  of  the  force 
is  said  at  present  to  be  drawn),  by  khojas  who  have 
failed  to  pass  their  examination  entitling  them  to 
exemption  from  military  service,  and  by  recruits  who 
leave  the  Army  after  six  months  or  a  year  with  the 
colours.  The  would-be  khojas  will  prove  a  valuable 
addition  to  the  force,  as  although  they  have  failed  to 
pass  what  is  only  a  simple  examination,  yet  they  will 
at  least  be  able  to  read  and  write.  In  order  to  ensure 
the  efficiency  of  his  new  gendarmerie,  the  Vali  of 
Adana  obtained  special  permission  authorising  the 
formation  of  a  school  of  instruction  for  300  pupils 
at  Tarsus.  His  Excellency  had  also  been  promised 
officers,  non-commissioned  officers,  and  gendarmes,  from 
Salonika  and  from  Constantinople  to  assist  him  in  his 
task  of  reforming  the  gendarmerie.  At  the  end  of 
191 1,  therefore,  it  is  probable  that  there  will  be  in  the 
Adana  vilayet  600  trained  gendarmes,  nearly  all  of 
whom  have  passed  through  a  period  of  three  months' 
instruction  at  a  semi-military  establishment.  Both  the 
battalion  and  the  company  commanders  have  been 
changed  since  the  advent  of  the  Constitution.  The  old 
Alaili   officers    have    been    replaced    by    younger    men 


198  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

appointed  to  their  commands  regardless  of  their  rank. 
Not  only  have  the  gendarmes  who  were  in  any  wa^y 
responsible  for  the  massacres  been  removed  from  the 
force,  but  many  of  the  more  undesirable  members  of 
the  rank  and  file,  when  they  found  that  more  work 
was  required  of  them,  took  the  matter  into  their  own 
hands  and  voluntarily  retired  into  civil  life. 

The  police  of  Adana  have  been  subject  to  consider- 
able reforms.  Not  only  has  the  strength  of  the  force 
been  doubled,  but  the  men  are  to  be  adequately  and 
regularly  paid.  As  in  the  gendarmerie,  Christians  have 
been,  and  are  to  be,  admitted.  While  I  was  in  Adana 
a  friend  of  mine  actually  saw  a  police  patrol  making 
its  way  through  the  streets  under  the  command  of  a 
Christian  corporal. 

Although  in  Adana,  as  in  many  other  vilayets  of 
Turkey,  it  was  not  immediately  possible  to  substitute 
new  and  enlightened  Governors  in  all  the  smaller  cities 
and  towns  for  those  well  acquainted  with  the  ways  of 
the  Old  Regime,  yet  many  of  the  reactionaries  appointed 
during  the  reign  of  Abdul  Hamid  have  already  been 
removed  from  their  appointments.  As  I  had  the  oppor- 
tunity of  meeting  and  talking  with  several  of  these 
officials  I  shall  describe  one  gentleman  with  whom  I 
had  an  interesting  conversation.  I  do  this  because 
he  seemed  to  me  to  be  a  good  example  of  the  type 
of  man  the  Young  Turks  ought  to  send  throughout 
the   country. 

Missis  is  a  small  town  of  about  2,000  inhabitants, 
situated  on  the  Cilician  Plain  some  twenty  miles  to  the 
east  of  Adana.  The  Governor,  a  bright,  intelligent 
Circassian,  about  twenty-five  years  of  age,  received  me 
in  a  small,  ill -kept,  one -storied  building  which  served 
the  purpose  of  a  Konak.  This  official,  who  was  sur- 
rounded by  the  various  village  dignitaries  when  I  called 
upon  him,  knew  a  considerable  amount  of  history  and, 
discussed  the  horrors  of  the   Old  Regime  with  much' 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE  NEW   REGIME     199 

feeling.  His  Excellency  informed  me,  like  so  many 
other  Turks  have  done,  that  everything  would  be 
different  under  the  New  Regime.  This  gentleman  not 
only  talked  in  a  well-informed  manner  as  to  the  possi- 
bility of  obtaining  foreign  capital  at  a  reasonable  rate 
of  interest  in  order  to  develop  the  country,  but  also 
thoroughly  understood  how  that  capital  might  be  advan- 
tageously employed  in  order  to  utilise  the  rivers  for 
making  electricity  besides  other  useful  purposes.  This 
young  Liberal  also  explained  to  me  a  scheme  by  which, 
if  it  were  sanctioned,  he  desired  to  build  a  new  village 
somewhere  in  the  Tigris  Valley,  and  then,  by  transport- 
ing I  CO  families  thither  from  Cilicia,  to  found  a  well- 
arranged  colony,  the  example  of  which  might  induce 
the  nomad  population  of  that  district  to  settle  down, 
and  thus  to  improve  their  prospects  for  the  future. 
In  another  city  I  found  a  very  clever,  liberal-minded 
Christian  Governor,  who  had  begun  his  public  career 
in  the  Diplomatic  Service,  and  was  actually  married  to 
a  foreign  wife  well  known  in  society  at  a  European 
capital. 

Among  other  reforms  proposed  by  Djemal  Bey  is  the 
construction  during  the  next  five  years  of  about  800 
miles  of  road  in  the  vilayet.  Although  this  seems 
rather  an  extensive  programme  under  the  present  state 
of  the  Turkish  finances  (it  is  estimated  that  the  total 
cost  would  be  about  £T6oo,ooo),  yet  as  the  Ottoman 
Government  possesses  a  valuable  farm  of  about  600,000 
acres  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Adana,  it  is  probable 
that  a  very  considerable  loan  could  be  arranged,  the 
interest  upon  the  capital  borrowed  being  guaranteed 
by  the  rent  of  this  farm.  Even  if  it  is  not  possible 
at  the  present  moment  to  let  this  farm  for  a  total  rent 
of  £T69,ooo  (the  figure  mentioned  to  me  by  Djemal 
Bey  as  the  possible  rental),  it  is  obvious,  when  the  new 
sections  of  the  Bagdad  Railway  have  been  completed 
and  when,  as  a  consequence,  this  line  has  been  joined 


200  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

on  to  the  Hedjaz  Railway,  that  the  value  of  land  on 
the  Cilician  Plain  will  rise  by  leaps  and  bounds. 

In  the  Adana  district  most  energetic  attempts  have 
been  made  to  suppress  brigandage.  Whilst,  a  few  days 
before  my  arrival  in  the  city,  a  well-known  brigand, 
whose  last  act  of  lawlessness  had  been  to  attack  and 
rob  Dr,  Shepard  (the  well-known  American  missionary 
doctor),  had  been  captured,  during  my  stay  another 
Mohammedan  outlaw  was  actually  marched  in  chains 
through  the  streets,  bearing  his  sentence  inscribed 
in  Turkish  upon  a  card  hung  round  his  neck.  This 
latter  act  may  appear  to  the  everyday  reader  to  be  of 
small  importance,  but  the  fact  that  Djemal  Bey  dared 
to  take  so  strong  a  step  as  to  expose  a  '*  True  Believer  ** 
to  such  an  indignity  in  a  city  where  the  Moslem  and 
Christian  elements  are  so  greatly  opposed  to  one 
another  displays  considerable  force  of  character  upon 
his  part.  Both  in  Adana  and  in  Tarsus  I  found  that 
many  of  the  new  members  of  the  law-courts  and  other 
legal  officials  had  actually  arrived,  and  that  the  re- 
mainder were  expected  shortly.  In  addition  practically 
the  whole  staff  employed  in  the  various  government 
offices  of  the  city  had  been  changed  since  the  arrival 
of   Djemal  Bey. 

At  the  conclusion  of  my  visit  to  the  Cilician  Plain 
I  drove  across  the  Taurus  Mountains  from  Tarsus  to 
Boulgourlou — the  actual  terminus  of  the  Bagdad  Rail- 
way. The  journey  can  be  accomplished  in  two  or  three 
days.  After  leaving  the  Cilician  Plain  and  crossing  the 
lower  spurs  of  the  Taurus  Mountains,  the  road  enters 
the  pass  by  which  the  Cilician  Gates  are  approached. 
Thence  for  hours  my  carriage  wended  its  way  up 
the  wooded  valley  which  leads  to  the  Pylae  Ciliciae. 
As  the  highway  actually  passes  through  the  Cilician 
Gates  at  an  altitude  of  some  3,600  feet  above  the  sea 
level,  the  gorge  is  so  narrow  that  the  road  has  been 
constructed    on    a    revetted    embankment    immediately 


Ib">#'t**-- ■*«    ^  ■'  "^ 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE  NEW  REGIME     201 

iabove  the  bed  of  the  stream.  Disconnected,  craggy 
rocks  lend  grandeur  to  the  scene.  Although  the  Cilician 
Gates  are  not  actually  the  summit  of  the  pass  over  the 
southern  portion  of  the  Taurus  Range,  yet  the  valley 
almost  immediately  widens  out,  and  the  road  soon 
reaches  the  Tekke  Plateau  (height  about  4,500  feet). 
Thence,  after  winding  for  some  hours  down  a  steep 
descent,  the  traveller  finally  enters  the  Valley  of 
Bozanti. 

The  Vale  of  Bozanti — about  four  miles  long  and  one 
wide — is  a  fertile  district  situated  in  the  midst  of  the 
Taurus  Mountains.  It  is  in  this  valley  that  the  Bagdad 
Railway,  on  its  way  from  Adana  to  Boulgourlou,  is 
destined  to  meet  the  present  highway  from  Tarsus. 
Instead  of  climbing  northward  from  the  existing 
Mersina -Adana  Railway  near  Tarsus,  the  Bagdad  line 
will  quit  the  Cilician  Plain  near  Adana,  and  penetrate 
the  southern  portion  of  the  Taurus  Range  by  way  of 
the  Valley  of  the  Charcut  Su,  which  flows  eastward  of 
the  Cilician  Gates.  This  river  runs  from  the  Vale 
of  Bozanti  into  the  heart  of  the  mountains,  and  finally 
dives  down  into  a  dark  cave -like  opening  in  the  moun- 
tains, to  emerge  on  the  southern  slopes  of  the  range, 
after  a  subterranean  course  of  some  300  yards.  The 
approaches  to  the  localities  where  this  curious  river 
enters  and  emerges  from  its  subterranean  course  are, 
I  believe,  entirely  unexplored  by  any  European  except 
one  or  two  railway  engineers,  who  were  compelled  to 
cut  down  trees  and  make  special  paths  in  order  to 
arrive  at  what  will  in  future  be  the  northern  and  southern 
extremities  of  a  tunnel  (some  850  yards  long)  by  which 
the  railway  will  pierce  the  most  difficult  portion  of 
the  range. 

After  leaving  the  Valley  of  Bozanti,  the  existing  road 
and  the  line  planned  for  the  future  railway  run  for 
miles  almost  side  by  side.  The  gorge  of  the  Bozanti 
Su,    which    is    followed    by    this    great    trade    route, 


202  THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

is  so  narrow  that  railway  construction  will  be  rendered 
most  costly  owing  to  the  embankments,  bridges,  and 
rock-hewing  which  will  have  to  be  undertaken.  Ulu 
Kishlar  (the  largest  village  on  the  whole  route)  is 
situated  almost  at  the  highest  point  (about  5,000  feet 
above  the  sea)  on  the  pass.  Thence  the  line  surveyed 
for  the  railway  again  leaves  the  road  in  order  the  more 
easily  to  descend  to  the  plain,  and  thus  to  reach 
Boulgourlou  Station,  situated  in  a  deserted  spot  about 
four  miles  from  the  village  of  that  name,  and  distant 
no  more  than  six  miles  from  the  town  of  Eregli. 

There  is  no  space  here  to  discuss  the  complicated 
political  and  economical  problems  connected  with  the 
Bagdad  Railway,  or  to  examine  the  reasons  which  have 
caused  the  delay  in  prolonging  the  line  from  Boul- 
gourlou. Whole  books  have  been  devoted  to  these 
subjects.  I  have  only  described  my  journey  across  the 
Taurus  Mountains  in  order  to  give  my  readers  some 
idea  of  the  country  through  which  the  second  section 
of  the  Bagdad  Railway  is  destined  to  pass.  After 
considerable  indecision,  the  Turkish  Government  has 
finally  decided,  for  strategical  reasons,  that  the  line  to 
the  eastward  of  Adana  (namely,  the  third  section) 
shall  follow  the  northern  route  via  Bagch6,  as  arranged 
under  the  original  concession,  instead  of  going  from 
Adana  to  Aleppo  via  Alexandretta.  During  the  autumn 
of  1909,  too,  arrangements  were  made  between  the 
Turkish  Government  and  the  Company  for  the  con- 
struction of  some  500  miles  of  line  which,  when  and  if 
completed,  will  bring  the  terminus  to  El  Helif — a  point 
between  the  towns  of  Mar  din  and  Mosul.  The  con- 
struction of  the  second  section  was  begun  early  in 
1 910,  but  subsequently,  owing  to  financial  and  other 
causes,   work  was   brought  almost   to   a  standstill. 

This  journey  across  the  Taurus  Mountains  provides 
an  opportunity  for  studying  and  conversing  with  the 
prehistoric,  old-time -looking  travellers  who  frequent  the 


A    HEGGAK   WOMAN    NKAK   THE    CILICIAN    GATES. 


To  lace  p.  203. 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE  NEW  Rl^GIME     203 

road.  Although  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  even  a 
small  minority  of  these  people  have  any  idea  of  the 
meaning  of  the  Constitution,  yet  everybody  seems 
pleased  to  welcome  the  European  stranger,  who  is  at 
once  believed  to  be  occupied  with  the  business  of  railway 
construction .  Travellers,  pilgrims,  or  merchants  moving 
between  Mersina  and  Caiserea,  or  the  more  distant 
districts  of  Asia  Minor,  follow  the  great  highway  which 
leads  across  the  Taurus  Range  as  far  as  the  Valley 
of  Bozanti.  An  almost  unbroken  line  of  caravans,  com- 
posed of  either  lordly  camels  or  pack  animals  of  lesser 
degree,  winds  its  way  to  and  from  the  sea-board  plain. 
Practically  all  these  caravans  are  accompanied  by 
terrible  wild-looking  dogs,  varying  in  size  and  appear- 
ance from  a  kind  of  sheep-dog  to  a  St.  Bernard. 
Children,  rendered  by  their  tender  age  unable  to  accom- 
pany their  parents  on  foot,  are  usually  firmly  lashed, 
stomach  downwards,  on  the  top  of  the  rear  portion  of 
the  camel's  pack-saddle.  The  position  is  such  that 
only  the  head  can  be  moved,  the  arms  being  bound 
inside  the  covering,  which  is  usually  laid  over  the  child 
beneath  the  lashing.  Few  of  the  Mohammedan  women 
travellers  veil  their  faces  or  even  cover  their  hair.  Much 
of  the  population  is  nomad,  and  it  is  no  uncommon  thing 
to  find  a  temporary  village  composed  of  rough  tents, 
made  out  of  blankets  just  plumped  down  near  the 
edge  of  any  favourable  stream. 

The  traveller  crossing  the  Taurus  Mountains  quits  the 
province  of  Adana  and  enters  that  of  Konia  in  the  Vale 
of  Bozanti.  The  vilayet  of  Konia,  about  one-third  part 
of  which  is  a  great  desert,  has  an  area  of  nearly 
39,500  square  miles,  and  is  the  largest  province  in 
Asia  Minor.  The  Anatolian  and  Bagdad  Railways, 
when  the  latter  has  been  continued  into  the  Taurus 
Mountains,  running  as  they  do  practically  from  its 
north-western  to  the  south-eastern  comer,  will  divide 
the  province  into  two  almost   equal  parts.      Not  only 


204  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

is  Konia  the  largest  vilayet  in  Asia  Minor,  but  the 
importance  of  this  province  is  increased  because  it  is 
one  of  the  only  districts  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  in  which 
the  majority  of  the  inhabitants  are  Turks.  The  ancient 
Iconium  is  not  only  the  seat  of  the  Tchelebi  or  chief 
of  the  Mevlevi  Dervishes,  but  it  is  also  the  centre  at 
which  many  Moslem  theological  students  undergo,  or 
are  supposed  to  carry  out  their  religious  training.  Thus 
Konia  is  no  unimportant  centre  in  which  to  study  the 
New  Regime  in  Asia  Minor. 

It  is  probable  that  the  ignorance  of  the  Mohammedan 
khojas  and  theological  students  constitutes  one  of  the 
greatest  obstacles  to  reform  in  the  Turkish  dominions. 
As  far  as  I  could  ascertain  in  Konia,  where  there  are 
said  usually  to  be  some  3,000  students,  the  khojas  may 
practically  be  divided  into  two  distinct  classes.  There 
are  men  who  have  studied  at  the  theological  schools  at 
Konia  or  elsewhere  and  who  have  obtained  some 
nominal  diploma  for  proficiency  in  religious  subjects. 
There  are  also  students  who  have  only  come  to  a 
religious  centre  and  registered  themselves  as  theological 
students,  and  perhaps  received  a  month's  instruction 
in  the  outward  forms  of  the  religion  of  Islam.  Although 
these  men  are  not  really  khojas,  in  the  past  they  have 
been  possessed  of  considerable  influence  among  the 
more  ignorant  members  of  the  population. 

A  law  was,  I  believe,  always  in  force  obliging  the 
khojas  and  theological  students  to  pass  an  examina- 
tion in  order  to  avoid  military  service,  but  it  was  not 
until  the  advent  of  the  New  Regime  that  this  law  was 
actually  put  into  force.  At  the  time  of  my  expedition 
across  Asia  Minor  the  Mohammedan  theological 
students  were  undergoing  this  examination,  which  was 
the  first  of  its  kind  that  had  actually  been  enforced. 
Approaching  Konia  the  trains  were  crowded  with  candi- 
dates for  examination.  The  official  who  came  from 
Constantinople  to  examine  the  students  in  this  city  met 


i  'ISO 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE  NEW  REGIME     205 

with  considerable  opposition,  as  the  khojas  learned  in 
the  law,  who  were  not  amongst  the  candidates,  objected 
to  the  students  being  asked  simple  geography  and 
arithmetic  questions  instead  of  their  being  questioned 
in  purely  religious  subjects.  This  examination,  which 
I  found  had  either  taken  place  or  was  in  progress  at 
Adana,  Konia,  and  Angora,  will  not  only  decrease  the 
number  of  a  very  conservative  set  of  men,  but  if  it 
is  properly  and  strictly  carried  out  and  enforced  every 
year,  it  will  ensure  that  those  who  become  khojas  have 
some  education,  however  slight  that  education  may  be. 

Although  when  I  was  in  Konia  the  new  members  of 
the  law-courts  had  not  arrived,  I  understood  that  they 
were  expected  shortly,  and  that  in  the  meantime  legal 
business  was  not  only  proceeding  rather  more  rapidly 
than  it  had  done  under  the  Old  Regime,  but  that  bribery 
and  corruption  were  less  rife  than  formerly.  Tewiik 
Bey,  the  then  Vali,  was  reported  by  the  Moslem  as  well 
as  the  Christian  inhabitants  to  be  a  fairly  honest  though 
a  weak  Governor  of  the  province.  His  Excellency 
had  not  unnaturally  failed  to  gain  the  confidence  of 
the  Christian  population,  partly  on  accoimt  of  his 
domestic  affairs.  In  Konia,  depending  as  it  does  upon 
the  district  of  Smyrna,  I  could  not  find  that  any  reforms 
had  been  made  in  the  gendarmerie.  The  police  force 
was  said  to  be  slightly  improved,  but  the  reforms  which 
had  already  been  effected  were  not  nearly  equal  to  those 
which  had  been  introduced  at  Adana  or  Angora. 

Although  the  arrangements  for  the  irrigation  of  the 
Plain  of  Konia  were  entered  into  before  the  advent 
of  the  Constitution,  yet  as  considerable  advantages  may 
accrue  to  the  Turkish  Government  when  this  enter- 
prise has  been  completed  I  propose  to  give  some 
details  concerning  the  scheme  under  which  about 
132,000  acres  of  now  almost  desert  country  are  to  be 
converted  into  fertile  land.  Even  if  it  is  difficult  to  see 
how  the  money  which  has  been  and  will  be  expended 


206  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

by  the  Turkish  Government  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Tchumla  can  be  recoverable  from  the  increased  value 
of  the  land,  it  is  obvious  that  the  improvement  of  this 
district  will  possess  to  the  Government  some  political  as 
well  as  financial  advantages.  Amongst  other  things,  new 
villages,  destined  to  be  inhabited  by  Moslem  emigrants 
from  Bosnia,  besides  others  from  the  Caucasus  and  the 
Crimea,  can  be  built.  It  is  certainly  preferable  both 
for  the  future  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  as  well  as  for 
humanity  at  large,  that  these  people,  if  they  are  to 
be  imported  into  the  country  at  all,  should  be  settled 
amongst  their  co-religionists  in  Asia  Minor,  rather  than 
that  they  should  be  dumped  down  in  Macedonia,  where 
they  must  render  an  already  complicated  problem  even 
more  difficult  of  solution. 

A  Company  for  the  purpose  of  draining  and  watering 
the  Plain  of  Konia  has  been  formed  as  what  might  be 
called  an  offshoot  of  the  Anatolian  and  Bagdad  Railway 
Companies.  The  supreme  direction  of  the  work  is  in 
the  hands  of  the  firm  of  Holzmann  (of  Frankfort-on- 
Main),  who,  with  the  Anatolian  Railway  Company, 
make  up  the  syndicate  charged  with  the  irrigation  of 
the  plain.  The  immediate  supervision  of  the  work 
is  in  the  hands  of  two  brothers  (Messrs.  H.  and  A. 
Waldorp),  Dutch  engineers,  who  were  originally 
charged  by  the  Deutsche  Bank  with  the  construction 
of  the  harbour  at  Haidar  Pasha. 

Although  the  work  of  surveying  this  vast  government 
territory  was  begim  as  long  ago  as  1904,  the  firtal 
agreement  was  not  actually  signed  between  the  Turkish 
Government  and  the  Company  until  1907.  The  general 
task  of  the  Company,  a  task  which  I  shall  endeavour 
to  explain  in  detail  below,  is  to  bring  water  from  a 
lake  situated  some  miles  to  the  west  of  the  Bagdad 
Railway,  in  order  to  irrigate  a  large  district  which 
surrounds  Tchumla  Station,  and  which  is  divided  into 
two  parts  by  the  Bagdad  Railway.     Tchumla  Station, 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE  NEW  Rl^GIME     207 

situated  on  the  line  about  twenty -five  miles  to  the  south- 
east of  Konia,  has  been  made  a  sort  of  local  head- 
quarters for  those  occupied  with  the  work,  and  the 
employees  of  the  two  companies  actually  carrying  out 
the  work  are  housed  in  a  modern  village  which  but  a 
year  or  two  ago  was  non-existent. 

The   Lake  of  Beyschekir  is   situated  about  fifty-six 


miles  to  the  west  of  the  town  of  Konia.  It  is  from 
this  lake,  which  receives  its  contents  from  several 
mountain  cataracts,  and  which  has  a  superficial  area 
of  some  135,000  acres,  that  water  will  be  obtained 
for  the  irrigation  of  the  plain.  From  the  south-eastern 
corner  of  this  lake  flows  a  river  known  as  the  Beyschekir 
River.     About  fifty  miles  (measured  along  the  winding 


208  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

banks  of  this  stream)  to  the  south-east  of  Lake 
Beyschekir  is  another  lake  known  as  Lake  Karaviran. 
When  the  water  is  at  its  mean  level  this  lake  measures 
about  ten  miles  long  by  seven  and  a  half  miles  wide. 
The  Lake  of  Karaviran,  again,  in  its  turn  is,  practically 
speaking,  connected  with  the  Plain  of  Konia  by  a  gorge - 
like  defile,  later  on  widening  out  into  a  valley.  The 
lake  is  actually  separated  from  the  western  end  of  this 
defile  by  a  sort  of  ridge.  About  fifteen  miles  from  the 
Lake  of  Karaviran  this  gorge  meets  the  Valley  of  the 
Tcharchamba,  down  which  flows  the  mountain  river 
of  the  same  name.  Hence,  the  Tcharchamba  River  pro- 
ceeds in  a  north-easterly  direction,  and  finally  empties 
itself  into  the  salt  desert.  When  the  Lake  of  Karaviran 
becomes  exceptionally  full  of  water  owing  to  an  un- 
usually rainy  season,  then  water  floods  over  the  above - 
described  ridge  and  enters  the  defile  which  finally  takes 
it   into   the   Tcharchamba  River. 

In  order  to  utilise  effectively  the  water  provided  by 
the  Beyschekir  Lake,  the  Irrigation  Company  is  con- 
structing a  large  barrage  at  the  point  where  the 
River  Beyschekir  leaves  the  lake.  This  barrage, 
which  will  have  fifteen  sluices,  will  be  capable  of  allow- 
ing twenty -five  cubic  metres  of  water  to  leave  the  lake 
per  second.  If  necessary  the  river  will  be  deepened 
to  permit  the  free  passage  of  the  requisite  volume  of 
water.  From  Karabaluk  (on  the  Beyschekir  River), 
where  another  barrage  will  have  to  be  constructed, 
a  large  canal  about  thirty-four  miles  in  length  will  con- 
duct the  water  to  the  River  Tcharchamba,  avoiding  the 
Lake  of  Karaviran  altogether.  This  canal  is  at  present 
in  course  of  construction.  By  means  of  the  barrage 
at  Karabaluk  it  will  be  possible  to  turn  surplus  water 
from  the  River  Beyschekir  into  part  of  the  Lake  of 
Karaviran.  Moreover,  it  is  at  present  intended  to  drain 
and  irrigate  about  17,500  acres  of  land  which  will  be 
reclaimed  from  the  Lake  of  Karaviran  owing  to  the  small 


^      1    ,  5)^5 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE   NEW  REGIME    209 

quantity  of  water  which  will  in  future  reach  it  from 
the   Beyschekir   River. 

The  water  conducted  by  the  above-mentioned  canal 
to  the  Valley  of  the  Tcharchamba  will  all  flow  down 
the  deepened  course  of  that  river  as  far  as  Jaila.  At 
Jaila  another  most  important  barrage  will  have  to  be 
built.  By  means  of  this  mighty  hatchway  water  will 
either  be  diverted  into  a  canal  which  will  leave  the 
river  on  its  southern  bank,  or  it  will  be  allowed  to 
continue  its  course  down  the  river  itself.  The  water 
let  into  the  canal  will  flow  parallel  to  the  Tcharchamba 
for  a  few  miles,  and  then  cross  over  that  river  by  an 
aqueduct  about  thirty  metres  in  length.  Hence,  the 
canal  conducts  a  vast  volume  of  water  to  irrigate  the 
42,500  acres  of  land  which  surround  the  village  of 
Tchumla,  and  which  are  situated  on  the  western  side 
of  the  Bagdad  Railway.  From  the  primary  canal  will 
lead  secondary  and  tertiary  watercourses,  which  will 
in  their  turn  deliver  water  on  to  the  fields.  Arrange- 
ments will  be  made  for  the  water  not  absorbed  by 
the  ground  to  be  received  by  tertiary,  secondary, 
and  primary  canals,  and  thus  to  be  conducted  back  to 
the  Tcharchamba  River,  after  it  has  flowed  beneath 
the  Bagdad  Railway. 

The  water  destined  for  the  irrigation  of  about  72,500 
acres  of  land  situated  on  both  banks  of  the  river  to 
the  eastward  of  the  railway  will  continue  its  course 
down  the  river  from  Jaila.  About  half  a  mile  to  the 
south  of  Tchumla  Station,  and  at  a  distance  of  but  250 
yards  to  the  eastward  of  the  point  where  the  railway 
crosses  the  Tcharchamba,  a  large  barrage  is  already 
completed.  By  means  of  this  barrage  (provided  as 
it  is  on  three  sides  with  sluices)  water  can  be  allowed 
to  continue  its  course  down  the  river,  or  it  can  be 
turned  into  two  canals  which  will  conduct  it  to  irrigate 
the  12,500  acres  of  land  to  be  improved  to  the  north 
of  this  barrage,  or  to  water  the   60,000  acres  which 

14 


210  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

lie  to  the  eastward.  Much  of  the  two  primary  and 
considerable  lengths  of  the  secondary  canals  are  already 
completed.  A  system  of  tertiary,  secondary,  and 
primary  canals,  like  those  on  the  west  of  the  line, 
will  be  laid  out  to  bring  back  the  unabsorbed  water  to 
the  river  bed. 

From  the  foregoing  remarks  it  is  clear  when  the 
irrigation  has  been  completed  that  some  132,500  acres 
of  now  arid  plain  will  be  effectively  watered.  To 
accomplish  this  object  more  than  200,000,000  cubic 
yards  of  water  will  be  required  every  year.  Although 
after  careful  investigation  it  has  been  ascertained  that 
even  in  dry  seasons  some  230,000,000  cubic  yards  of 
water  can  be  obtained  from  the  Beyschekir  Lake,  yet 
it  is  obvious  that  the  expense  of  making  the  neces- 
sary canals  and  of  constructing  the  all-important 
barrages  must  prove  a  considerable  drain  upon  the 
already  impoverished  Turkish  exchequer. 

It  is  extremely  difficult  to  ascertain  exactly  how  much 
has  already  been  or  will  be  spent  upon  this  important 
irrigation  scheme.  Haladjian  Effendi  (Minister  of 
Public  Works)  assured  me  that  when  the  work  is  com- 
plete the  Turkish  Government  will  have  devoted  some 
£800,000  to  this  enterprise.  I  have  also  been  in- 
formed on  good  authority  that  the  Company  responsible 
for  the  irrigation  receives  its  payment  calculated  on 
the  basis  of  a  certain  sum  per  cubic  yard  of  earth 
moved  and  a  regular  price  per  cubic  yard  of  masonry 
constructed.  This  Company  in  its  turn  is  not  executing 
the  work  itself  but  simply  provides  skilled  engineers 
and  surveyors  to  supervise  the  work  of  constructing 
canals  and  barrages,  which  it  has  arranged  shall 
be  carried  on  in  part  by  a  French  and  in  part  by  a 
German  company. 

The  Turkish  Government  hopes  to  be  able  to  recover 
the  cost  of  the  irrigation,  the  money  for  which  is  at 
present    being    gradually    advanced    by    the    Anatolian 


ASIA  MINOR  UNDER  THE  NEW  REGIME    211 

Railway  Company  at  5  per  cent.,  by  the  following 
jnethods  :  (i)  By  selling  portions  of  the  land  irri- 
gated. (2)  From  the  higher  tithes  or  rents  to  which 
the  tenants  will  be  subjected.  A  considerable  indirect 
advantage  should,  too,  accrue  to  the  Government  from 
the  improvement  of  traffic  upon  the  Anatolian  and  the 
Bagdad  Railways.  .When  the  crops  begin  to  improve, 
and  consequently  more  produce  is  sent  away  by  train, 
traffic  will  certainly  be  increased.  This  augmentation 
in  the  annual  receipts  of  these  railways  should  reduce 
the  enormous  sum  which  the  Turkish  Government  is 
now  compelled  to  supply  annually  to  cover  the  kilo- 
metric  guarantee  of  the  line  which  connects  Haidar 
Pasha  with  Boulgourlou,  and  which,  as  I  have  already 
said,  will  later  provide  railway  connection  between  the 
Bosphorus  and  the  Eastern  Mediterranean. 

The  journey  from  Konia  to  Angora  can  be  accom- 
plished by  train  in  two  long,  wearisome  days.  Owing 
to  the  terms  of  the  agreement  which  exists  between  the 
Government  and  the  railway  company,  it  does  not  pay 
the  latter  to  run  trains  by  night,  and  therefore  the 
traveller  is  compelled  to  sleep  at  Eski  Shehr,  the 
junction  at  which  the  line  to  Angora  separates  from 
that  which  connects  Konia  with  Haidar  Pasha. 

As  I  have  already  said.  Angora  differs  in  many 
respects  from  almost  any  other  city  or  district  in  Asia 
Minor.  Out  of  a  total  population  of  some  30,000 
souls,  about  13,000  are  Armenians,  many  of  whom 
belong  to  the  Roman  Catholic  and  not  to  the  Gregorian 
Church.  Moreover,  the  population  of  Angora  and  the 
surrounding  district  is  known  to  be  less  ignorant  than 
the  people  who  live  in  many  other  parts  of  Asia  Minor. 
Partly  owing  to  better  education  and  partly  because  the 
Moslems  do  not  and  never  have  disliked  Roman  Catholic 
Armenians  as  much  as  Gregorians,  no  serious  outbreak 
against  the  Christians  has  ever  occurred  in  the  vilayet 
of  Angora. 


212  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

The  reforms  which  have  been  instituted  in  Asia 
Minor  have  certainly  reached  a  more  advanced  stage 
in  Angora  than  in  Konia.  Some  of  the  new  members 
of  the  courts  had  already  arrived  when  I  was  in  Angora, 
whilst  the  remainder  were  expected  immediately.  The 
fact  that  a  Greek  is  president  of  one  of  the  courts  of 
law  and  that  another  member  of  the  Orthodox 
Church  is  assistant  public  prosecutor  proves  that 
some  changes  have  been  effected.  In  the  vilayet 
of  Angora  the  former  local  gendarmerie  commandants 
at  the  important  centres  have  nearly  all  been  replaced 
by  new  officers,  who,  according  to  the  information 
of  reliable  foreigners  who  have  seen  them,  are 
thoroughly  efficient.  At  the  time  of  my  visit  about  150 
gendarmes  were  daily  expected  from  the  school  of 
gendarmerie  to  assist  in  the  work  of  reorganisation. 
Many  newly -enlisted  policemen  had  been  substituted 
for  those  well  versed  in  the  methods  of  the  Old  Regime. 
The  men  of  this  force,  who  were  being  enrolled  after) 
some  form  of  examination,  and  who  could  consequently 
nearly  all  read  and  write,  were  receiving  instruction 
(from  a  Commission  made  up  of  legal  men)  as  to 
what  constitutes  a  crime  deserving  arrest  and  what 
does  not. 

During  my  stay  in  Angora  I  had  an  interesting  con- 
versation with  Mahmoud  Ferid  Pasha,  the  Vali  of  the 
province,  who  was  most  anxious  to  explain  to  me  what 
reforms  had  already  been,  and  what  changes  were  about 
to  be,  introduced  into  his  province.  Although  his 
Excellency,  who  is  a  pleasant  man  of  about  fifty -eight 
years  of  age,  cannot  speak  a  foreign  tongue,  and  is 
unable,  therefore,  to  mix  much  with  Europeans,  yet  he 
seemed  not  only  to  be  possessed  of  liberal  ideas  but  to 
be  anxious  to  make  reforms.  Prior  to  the  advent  of  the 
Constitution,  Mahmoud  Ferid  Pasha  was  so  well  known 
for  his  honesty  that  he  remained  as  a  Moutessarif 
without     promotion     for     twenty -seven     years.       His 


-  I    '  "^ 


ASIA  MINOE  UNDER  THE   NEW  RJ^GIME    213 

Excellency  informed  me  that  nearly  all  the  Governors 
of  the  smaller  districts  of  the  vilayet  had  been  changed 
since  the  Constitution,  and  that  the  personnel  of  the 
local  government  officers  was  now  being  reorganised. 

The  position  occupied  and  the  influence  exerted  by 
the  Central  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  and  by 
its  local  branches,  is  one  of  extreme  importance, 
especially  in  Asia  Minor.  As  I  was  informed  that  the 
Angora  branch  of  this  Committee  took  an  active  interest 
in  the  affairs  of  the  State,  and  used  its  power  for  the 
good  of  the  nation,  I  paid  a  visit  to  the  headquarters 
of  this  association.  I  found  there  six  members  of  the 
organisation.  One  of  these  was  the  principal  khoja  of 
the  town,  whilst  the  other  five  were  made  up  of  two 
Turks,  one  Greek,  a  Catholic  Armenian,  and  a  member 
of  the  Gregorian  Church.  Although  my  visit  was  ex- 
pected (otherwise  I  should  have  found  nobody  at  home) 
I  took  special  trouble  to  discuss  various  questions  with 
all  the  different  members,  who  I  believe  were  united 
in  desiring  the  welfare  of  the  State.  The  Mohammedan 
element,  voiced  by  the  khoja,  assured  me  that  equality 
of  all  races  and  liberty  of  thought  was  in  accordance 
with  the  Mohammedan  religion,  and  had  only  been  re- 
tarded by  the  Old  Regime,  under  which  it  has  been 
impossible  to  teach  the  true  meaning  of  the  Koran. 
Whether  the  Moslem  spokesman  really  believed  the 
doctrines  which  he  expounded,  and  whether  the  readers 
of  the  Koran  are  willing  to  adopt  them,  I  will  leave 
it  to  the  public  to  decide  for  themselves. 

During  my  travels  across  Asia  Minor  I  also  had 
the  opportunity  of  meeting  and  conversing  with  a  large 
number  of  Christian  Ottomans .  iWiiile  truthfully  stating 
that  equality  between  Moslems  and  Christians  had  not 
been,  and  could  not  be  established  at  least  for  many 
years,  practically  everybody  agreed  that  the  position 
and  existence  of  the  Christian  in  Asia  Minor  is  con- 
siderably better  under  the  Young  Turks  than  it  ever 


214  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

was  in  the  days  of  Abdul  Hamid.  Amongst  many  other 
things  permission  is  now  granted  to  travel,  instruction 
in  all  subjects  is  freely  permitted  in  schools,  and  papers, 
letters,  and  books  are  safely  delivered  to  their  addresses . 
Although  I  have  received  letters  from  Armenians  stating 
that  they  were  afraid  to  call  upon  me  at  my  hotel,  yet 
I  can  hardly  believe  that  these  fears  were  founded  upon 
any  reasonable  grounds. 

After  studying  the  various  questions  at  the  different 
centres  which  I  have  visited,  it  appears  to  me  on  th^ 
whole  that,  relatively  speaking,  more  reforms  have  been 
effected  by  the  Young  Turks  in  the  parts  of  Asia  Minor 
which  I  have  visited  than  in  European  Turkey.  That 
these  reforms  are  more  apparent  in  Asia  Minor  than  in 
European  Turkey  is  at  least  in  part  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  state  of  Asia  Minor  under  the  Old  Regime  was 
even  worse  than  that  of  European  Turkey.  Besides, 
it  will  be  obvious  to  my  readers  that  the  changes  which 
I  have  described  in  this  chapter  have  been  for  the  most 
part  effected  for  the  benefit  of  Moslems  in  districts 
which  are  at  least  to  a  great  extent  populated  by 
Mohammedans.  Although  the  difficulties  to  be  over- 
come by  the  Young  Turks,  especially  in  Asia  Minor, 
are  enormous,  yet  these  reformers  must  remember  it 
is  only  by  abandoning  the  nationalistic  attitude,  which 
I  learn,  especially  of  late,  has  become  more  noticeable, 
and  by  trying  to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  subject 
races  of  the  Empire,  that  Turkish  rule  can  be  established 
on  a  basis  that  will  tend  to  develop  the  vast  resources 
of  the  Empire. 


VIII 

THE   CRETAN   QUESTION 

The  population  of  Crete — Cretan  reasons  for  desiring  union  with 
Greece — An  account  of  some  events  which  occurred  prior  to  the 
appointment  of  Prince  George  as  High  Commissioner  of  Crete — 
Crete  from  December,  1898,  to  October,  1908 — Changes  introduced 
in  the  administration  of  the  Island  as  a  result  of  the  Cretan 
declaration  of  union  with  Greece  in  October,  1908 — The  Turkish 
aspect  of  the  Cretan  Question — The  manner  in  which  the  power  of 
Bulgaria  affects  the  Cretan  Question — The  Cretan  flag  hoisted 
upon  the  fort  at  Canea  in  August,  1909 — Moslem  deputies  excluded 
from  the  Cretan  Chamber  in  May,  1910. 

Although  the  object  of  these  few  pages  is  neither 
to  write  a  history  of  Crete  nor  to  reproduce  statistics 
about  the  Island,  yet  before  attempting  to  enumerate 
some  of  the  events  which  have  led  up  to  the  present 
situation  in  Crete,  I  propose  to  give  my  readers  a  few 
facts  about  the  inhabitants  of  the  '*  Island  of  Liars.** 
Out  of  a  total  population  of  about  303,000  souls,  some 
273,000  belong  to  the  Orthodox  Church,  whilst  the 
remaining  33,000  are  Mohammedans.  This  small 
minority  of  the  population,  a  minority  which  is  always 
on  the  decrease,  may  roughly  be  divided  into  three 
groups.  The  better  class  Mohammedans  of  the  Island 
are  almost  entirely  composed  of  Cretans  who  were  con- 
verted during  the  Turkish  occupation  of  Crete.  These 
families  for  the  most  part  possess  Greek  names,  and 
often  only  speak  a  few  words  of  the  Turkish  tongue. 
A  second  class  of  Mohammedans  is  made  up  of  the 

215 


216  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Bengazis,  who  have  very  dark  complexions,  and  were 
imported  into  Crete  from  Africa  by  the  Turks.  A 
third  and  distinct  class  is  composed  of  the  Moslems,  who 
are  black.  These  people,  known  as  the  '*  Aripides,"  were 
originally  slaves,  but  were  eventually  freed  by  desire 
of  the  foreign  consuls.  These  blacks  are  the  lowest 
caste  of  the  Cretan  population.  They  gain  their  daily 
bread  by  the  most  menial  forms  of  labour,  generally 
carried  out  in  Mohammedan  families.  The  women  of 
this  caste  are  not  veiled.  One  occasionally  meets  a 
regular  Turkish  Mohammedan,  who  has  probably  only 
recently  emigrated  to  the  Island  in  order  to  obtain 
some  remunerative  occupation.  The  Mohammedans  of 
Crete,  who  scarcely  ever  have  more  than  one  wife,  are 
fanatical  from  a  national  point  of  view,  but  they  are 
not  devout  in  religious  things.  Mosques,  of  course, 
exist,  but  one  does  not  see  the  population  flocking  in 
to   prayer  as   in  Mohammedan  countries. 

Since  the  international  occupation  of  the  Island  the 
government  of  Crete  has  been  entrusted  to  a  High 
Commissioner  of  the  Powers  advised  by  four 
councillors.  The  Chamber  is  composed  of  sixty -five 
deputies  (eight  Moslems  and  fifty-seven  Christians), 
each  elected  by  about  i,ioo  voters.  Parliament  meets 
every  year  for  a  session  varying  in  length  from  three 
to  six  months.  Each  deputy  receives  a  sum  equal  to 
about  £32  for  every  ordinary  session.  The  Chamber  is 
divided  into  two  principal  parties,  the  Conservative  and 
the  Liberal.  The  Conservative  party  would  always  have 
been  pleased  to  vote  for  the  return  oif  Prince  George  as 
High  Commissioner,  while  the  Liberal  party  is  in  favour 
of  freedom  of  the  Press,  liberty  in  elections,  and  objects 
to  sundry  abuses  which  were  allowed  by  Prince  George. 
JExcept  on  purely  religious  questions,  and  in  matters 
concerning  the  union  with  Greece,  the  Moslem  deputies 
do  not  form  a  separate  party. 

It  is  unnecessary,  as  I  have  already  said,  to  discuss 


THE  CRETAN  QUESTION  217 

the  history  of  Crete  here.  Sufficient  is  it  to  say  that  the 
hardships  to  which  the  Islanders  have  been  subjected 
by  their  many  rulers  and  the  numerous  rebellions  which 
have  taken  place  do  much  to  demonstrate  the  indomit- 
able courage  of  the  inhabitants.  Subsequent  to  the 
Turkish  conquest  the  Sublime  Porte  has  always  pur- 
ported to  regard  every  disorder  as  a  rising  of 
Christians.  Even  at  the  present  day,  if  a  Moslem 
Islander  is  killed  by  accident,  the  Turkish  Government 
at  once  assumes  that  a  massacre  of  **  True  Believers  ** 
has  either  already  begim  or  that  the  danger  of  such  a 
disaster  is  imminent. 

With  the  object  of  attempting  to  explain  the  Cretan 
Question — a  question  which  has  occupied  the  attention  of 
Europe  for  years,  a  problem  which  is  yet  unsolved — I 
propose  to  treat  the  subject  very  briefly:  (i)  from 
a  Cretan  point  of  view,  (2)  from  a  Turkish  point 
of  view,   and    (3)   from  a  Greek   point  of   view. 

Whether  or  not  union  with  Greece  would  prove 
advantageous  to  the  Cretans  is  a  matter  of  opinion. 
In  spite  of  the  fact  that  these  patriots  fully  realise 
the  condition  of  Greece  to-day,  those  among  the  gal- 
lant, obstinate  inhabitants  of  the  Island  who  profess 
Christianity  are  willing  to  submit  to  increased  taxa- 
tion, and  to  undergo  more  arduous  conditions  of  military 
service,  in  order  that  their  national  aspiration  may  be 
realised.  During  my  stay  in  Crete  M.  Venezelos  gra- 
phically explained  to  me  that  the  people  of  the  Island 
desire  to  be  united  with  Greece  for  sentimental  as  well 
as  for  material  reasons .  The  Cretans,  for  the  most  part 
purely  Greek  by  race,  and  members  of  the  Orthodox 
Church  by  religion,  are  united  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Hellenic  Kingdom  by  bonds  of  history,  language,  and 
religion.  No  Cretan  Government  which  adopts  any 
measure  contrary  to  the  national  aspiration  of  the  people 
can,  therefore,  ever  hope  to  withstand  the  displeasure 
of  the  inhabitants. 


218         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

The  Cretans  urge  as  their  principal  material  reasons 
in  favour  of  union  with  Greece  that  : 

(i)  From  a  financial  point  of  view  the  Island  is  too 
small  to  exist  alone.  Even  if  it  is  not  required  for 
defensive  purposes,  an  efficient,  although  a  small, 
military  force  must  be  maintained  in  order  to  ensure 
public  order  and  security.  It  is  also  believed  by  the 
Cretans  that,  were  the  Island  simply  endowed  with  an 
autonomous  regime,  they  would  be  obliged  to  defray 
extra  expense  in  order  to  cover  the  salaries  of  officials 
charged  with  representing  their  interests  abroad. 
(2)  As  Crete  is  an  island  largely  dependent  upon  its 
agricultural  products,  the  import  duties  which  are  im- 
posed upon  these  products  by  the  neighbouring  countries 
render  it  impossible  for  the  produce  of  the  Island  to 
compete  with  the  products  of  the  countries  to  which  it  is 
exported.  Greece  cannot,  of  course,  admit  Cretan  goods 
on  favoured  terms,  otherwise  she  would  be  accused  of 
countenaacing  the  idea  that  the  Island  is  a  part  of 
the  Hellenic  Kingdom.  (3)  As  long  as  Crete  is  not 
united  with  Greece  all  arrangements  as  to  the  status 
of  the  Island  must  be  temporary,  and  therefore  it  is 
difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  obtain  foreign  capital 
with  which  to  develop  the  national  resources,  and 
with  which  to  build  railways  and  roads  in  order  to 
improve  the  communications  which  exist,  or  more 
correctly  do  not  now  exist,  between  different  parts  of 
the  Island. 

The  events  which  have  slowly  but  surely  led,  not 
only  the  Cretans  but  the  whole  of  Europe  to  believe 
that  Crete  was  ere  long  to  be  united  to  Greece,  might 
almost  be  said  to  begin  from  the  year  1896.  Subse- 
quent to  this  the  Powers  composing  the  European 
Concert,  both  by  the  proposals  which  they  themselves 
have  made,  as  well  as  by  the  innovations  which  they 
have  countenanced,  have  demonstrated  that  their  policy 
was  one  which  would  sooner  or  later  allow  the  Cretans 


THE   CRETAN  QUESTION  219 

to  be  united  with  Greece.  In  March,  1897,  when  it 
was  obvious  that  the  reforms  which  had  been  promised 
by  the  ex -Sultan  Abdul  Hamid  in  1896  would  never 
really  be  introduced,  the  Great  Powers  presented  a 
collective  note  to  both  Turkey  and  Greece,  stating  that 
although  **  under  the  present  circumstances  "  Crete 
could  not  be  united  with  Greece,  nevertheless  the  Island 
would  be  endowed  with  an  autonomous  regime.  Whilst 
the  same  document  contained  a  summons  to  the  Hellenic 
Government  to  withdraw  the  Greek  vessels  and  troops 
then  in  Crete,  a  note  delivered  but  a  few  days  later 
informed  the  Ottoman  Government  that  the  autonomy 
granted  to  Crete  implied  the  progressive  reduction  of 
the  Ottoman  forces,  and  that  it  would  be  expedient 
as  soon  as  the  Island  was  evacuated  by  the  Hellenic 
troops  to  take  the  necessary  measures  for  the  concentra- 
tion of  the  Imperial  troops  in  the  fortified  places  which 
were  then  occupied  by  European  detachments.  Again, 
during  the  month  of  March,  1897,  the  admirals  of  the 
Great  Powers  then  in  Cretan  waters,  **  acting  on  the  in- 
structions of  their  respective  Governments,  solemnly  pro- 
claimed and  made  known  to  the  population  of  the  Island 
that  the  Great  Powers  have  irrevocably  decided  to  main- 
tain complete  autonomy  in  Crete  under  the  suzerainty 
of  the  Sultan."  The  proclamation  continued  by  saying 
that  **  the  Cretans  will  be  completely  free  of  all  control 
of  the  Porte  in  so  far  as  their  internal  affairs  are 
concerned." 

After  a  year  and  a  half  of  unsatisfactory  government, 
it  was  on  September  6th,  1898,  that  a  massacre  of 
Christians  took  place  in  Candia.  As  a  result  of  this 
outbreak,  in  which  some  hundreds  of  Christians 
perished,  and  in  which  about  fifty  British  officers, 
soldiers,  and  sailors  were  killed  and  wounded,  an  Ulti- 
matum was  presented  to  the  Sultan  by  the  Ambassadors 
of  France,  Great  Britain,  Italy,  and  Russia  (Austria 
and  Germany  had  by  this   time  withdrawn  from  the 


220         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Concert  of  Powers)  demanding  the  withdrawal  of 
Turkish  troops  from  the  Island  *'  within  a  period  of  one 
month.*'  This  note  also  clearly  stated  that  if  the 
Turkish  evacuation  was  not  completed  by  the  date  fixed, 
the  four  Powers,  freed  from  every  moral  obligation 
respecting  Ottoman  sovereignty  in  Crete,  **  would  take 
steps  to  establish  in  the  Island  a  regime  in  accordance 
with  the  wishes  of  the  majority  of  its  inhabitants." 
The  phraseology  of  this  dispatch  clearly  proves  that 
had  not  the  Sultan  immediately  complied  with  this 
formal  request,  union  with  **  Mother  **  Greece  would 
at  that  time  have  been  countenanced  by  the  Protecting 
Powers.  In  November,  Russia,  who  had  previously 
suggested  that  Prince  George  of  Greece  should  be 
Governor  of  the  Island,  proposed  his  Royal  Highness 
as  High  Commissioner  of  the  Powers.  In  spite  of 
the  objections  of  the  Turkish  Government  and  of  the 
diplomatic  outcry  which  was  raised  in  Europe,  his 
Royal  Highness  was  actually  invited  to  assume  the 
duties  of  High  Commissioner  of  Crete  on  Novem- 
ber 26th  and  did,  in  fact,  arrive  at  Canea  on  December 
2 1  St,  1898.  Although  his  Royal  Highness  was  to  recog- 
nise **  the  high  suzerainty  of  the  Sultan,  and  to  take 
measures  to  safeguard  the  Turkish  flag,  which  according 
to  the  promise  given  to  the  Sultan  by  the  four  Powers, 
was  to  float  upon  one  of  the  fortified  points  of  the 
Island,"  yet  the  appointment  of  a  Greek  as  Governor 
of  Crete,  contrary  to  the  express  wish  of  the  Sultan, 
must  have  meant  the  practical  severance  of  the  Island 
from  Turkey. 

By  the  foregoing  remarks  I  have  endeavoured  to 
recount  very  briefly  the  events  which  immediately  pre- 
ceded the  appointment  of  Prince  George  to  the  post 
of  High  Commissioner  of  Crete.  The  ten  years  which 
intervened  between  the  arrival  of  his  Royal  Highness 
in  the  Island  and  the  Cretan  declaration  of  union  with 
Greece  in   1908  can  be  divided  into  two  parts.     Prior 


THE   CRETAN  QUESTION  221 

to  1905,  although  the  Great  Powers  took  no  steps 
actually  to  encourage  the  Cretans  to  believe  that  their 
national  aspiration  would  soon  be  realised,  yet  the 
European  Concert  certainly  allowed  the  Islanders,  by 
many  overt  acts  which  infringed  the  sovereign  rights 
of  the  Sultan,  to  establish  the  autonomy  granted  to 
them  upon  the  broadest  possible  basis.  In  1905  no 
outward  or  visible  sign  of  Ottoman  suzerainty  remained 
on  the  Island,  except  the  one  flag  which  floated  upon 
the  rock-like  island  which  lies  at  the  entrance  of  Suda 
Bay.  From  1909  until  after  the  final  evacuation  of  the 
Island  by  the  international  troops,  which  was  completed 
during  the  summer  of  1909,  the  Great  Powers  en- 
couraged the  Cretans  to  expect  the  almost  immediate 
realisation  of  their  great  national  aspiration. 

On  January  6th,  1899,  the  new  High  Commissioner, 
who  was  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  establishing 
an  autonomous  government,  and  of  creating  a  national 
militia,  nominated  a  committee  of  fifteen  members,  who 
were  entrusted  with  the  mandate  of  elaborating  the 
Constitution.  This  Constitution,  which  was  assented 
to  by  the  Great  Powers,  clearly  demonstrates  the  nature 
of  the  autonomy  which  it  was  intended  the  Cretans 
should  enjoy.  Amongst  other  remarkable  statements 
which  were  made  in  this  document,  the  **  Island  of 
Crete,  with  the  adjacent  islets  *'  is  described  as  a 
State  enjoying  complete  autonomy.  Greek  was,  more- 
over, laid  down  as  the  official  language  of  the 
State.  In  addition,  the  Prince  in  whose  name  justice 
was  administered  was  granted  the  right  of  concluding 
conventions,  coining  money,  and  conferring  decorations. 
As  a  result  of  the  power  conferred  upon  his  Royal 
Highness,  the  rulers  of  Crete,  authorised  by  the  French 
Government,  arranged  with  the  Mint  in  Paris  to  coin 
Cretan  money.  In  addition,  having  not  only  joined 
the  Postal  Union,  but  the  International  Telegraph 
Convention,   the   Cretans   arranged   to   be    represented 


THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

at    all    the    international    conferences    held    to    discuss 
postal  and  telegraphic  affairs. 

Again,  not  long  after  the  promulgation  of  the  Con- 
stitution, and  in  spite  of  repeated  protests,  formulated 
by  the  Turkish  Government,  Lord  Salisbury  informed 
Anthopoulos  Pasha  (then  Turkish  Ambassador  in 
London),  after  consultation  with  the  Governments  of 
France,  Italy,  and  Russia,  that  her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment considered  that  the  autonomy  granted  to  Crete 
included  the  right  of  imposing  a  duty  of  8  per  cent, 
upon  goods  imported  into  the  Island  from  the  Ottoman 
Empire.  The  imposition  of  this  duty  clearly  demon- 
strated that  the  rulers  of  Crete  intended  to  establish 
the  same  fiscal  relations  with  the  Suzerain  Power  as 
those  already  existing  with  foreign  nations.  Moreover, 
in  1899,  the  Cretan  Government  was  allowed  to  show 
its  partiality  towards  Greece,  by  entering  into  an 
arrangement  with  the  National  Bank  of  Greece  for  the 
establishment  of  a  bank  at  Canea  under  a  Charter 
which  was  to  last  for  thirty  years.  This  bank  was  to 
have  the  exclusive  right  of  issuing  bank-notes  in  the 
Island. 

In  spite  of  the  cold  manner  in  which  the  resolution 
in  favour  of  union  with  Greece  voted  by  the  Cretan 
Assembly  in  June,  1901,  was  received  by  the  Protecting 
Powers,  it  was  in  this  year  that  one  more  bond  of 
union  which  existed  between  the  Island  and  its  nominal 
suzerain  lord  was  severed.  It  was  natural  that  Crete 
— now  for  all  practical  purposes  no  longer  an  integral 
part  of  Turkey — should  have  been  obliged  to  take  over 
its  share  of  the  Ottoman  debt.  The  fact  that  the  Island 
originally  did  take  over  a  proportion  of  the  annual  sum 
due  from  Turkey  to  the  Ottoman  Debt,  instead  of  paying 
a  tribute  to  the  Sultan,  undoubtedly  proves  that  Crete 
was  even  at  that  time  considered  all  but  independent. 
As  a  result  of  the  liability  which  the  Islanders  had 
assumed,   in   August,    1901,   a   convention   was   signed 


THE   CRETAN   QUESTION  223 

between  the  Cretan  Government  and  the  Ottoman  Public 
Debt  by  which  it  was  arranged  that  the  Public  Debt 
should  renounce  all  its  rights  in  Crete  in  return  for 
a  payment  of  £60,000  in  addition  to  a  concession  of 
a  salt  monopoly  in  the  Island.  Although  this  contract 
did  not  directly  affect  the  prestige  of  the  Turkish 
Government,  yet  by  doing  away  with  yet  another  link 
which  still  united  the  Government  of  Prince  George 
with  that  of  Constantinople,  the  agreement  tended 
to  satisfy  the  national  aspirations  of  the  people.  A 
decision  of  the  Ambassadors  at  Constantinople,  who, 
during  the  negotiations,  had  been  invited  to  arrange 
a  compromise  between  the  Cretan  Government  and  the 
Ottoman  Public  Debt  on  an  outstanding  question,  clearly 
demonstrates  that  the  Protecting  Powers  assented  to 
Crete  being  permitted  to  arrange  her  own  affairs  con- 
cerning her  international  liabilities.  At  the  end  of  the 
same  year  (1901),  the  Great  Powers  themselves 
attempted  to  oblige  the  Ottoman  Government  to  recog- 
nise Cretan  passports,  and  to  acknowledge  the  Cretan 
flag  which  had  been  granted  to  the  Island  by  the 
Concert  of  Europe. 

With  the  exception  of  the  resolutions  in  favour  of 
union  with  Greece  which  were  passed  by  the  Cretan 
Assembly,  practically  no  further  important  developments 
occurred  which  favoured  the  realisation  of  the  Cretan 
aspiration  until  1905.  Between  1905  and  1908  a 
number  of  diplomatic  notes  were  addressed  to  the 
Cretans  by  the  representatives  of  the  Great  Powers 
at  Canea.  Not  only  was  each  successive  document 
couched  in  more  encouraging  language  than  the  last, 
but  every  note  gave  some  fresh  concession  to  the  people 
of  the  Island — concessions  which  were  for  the  most 
part  absolutely  derogatory  to  the  prestige  of  the 
Ottoman  Government.  Thus,  early  in  April,  1905,  in 
reply  to  the  report  drawn  up  by  Prince  George  and 
presented  to  the  Powers  on  the  occasion  of  his  tour  in 


224  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Europe,  the  Consuls -General  informed  the  Cretan 
Government  that  **  under  the  present  circumstances  " 
it  was  not  possible  to  modify  the  political  status  of  the 
Island.  The  Protecting  Powers  not  only  undertook  by 
the  terms  of  the  same  document  "  not  to  annex  the 
Island  themselves  or  to  allow  the  annexation  by  jany 
other  Power  against  the  consent  {gri)  of  the  inhabit- 
ants,*' but  they  also  agreed,  as  soon  as  tranquillity  was 
restored,  each  to  reduce  by  one  half  their  contingent 
of  troops  then  garrisoning  the  Island.  The  document 
closes  with  the  encouraging  promise  that  the  Powers 
**  will  bring  to  the  notice  of  the  Sublime  Porte  some 
demands  presented  by  the  High  Commissioner  in  July, 
1 90 1,  which  have  not  yet  received  satisfaction."  In 
addition,  the  Powers  state  that  they  intend  to  insist 
on  obtaining  from  the  Sublime  Porte  the  recognition 
of  the  Cretan  flag,  besides  other  less  important  conces- 
sions . 

During  the  year  1906  the  Protecting  Powers 
demonstrated  their  goodwill  towards  the  Cretans  by 
addressing  at  least  two  important  dispatches  to  the 
Government  of  the  Island.  The  first  of  these  documents, 
dated  July  23rd  (of  course  before  the  departure  of 
Prince  George),  states  that  the  Powers  had  examined  the 
conclusions  arrived  at  by  their  delegates  who  had  held 
an  investigation  as  a  result  of  the  disturbance  of  1905, 
and  that  **  at  the  moment  when  the  National  Assembly, 
recently  elected,  is  about  to  begin  its  work,  they  [the 
Powers]  are  bound  to  show  the  Cretan  people  the  in- 
terest which  they  take  in  them,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  take  into  account,  as  far  as  possible,  their  legitimate 
aspirations."  The  note  goes  on  to  say  that,  **  inspired 
by  the  proposals  of  their  delegates,  the  Powers  think 
it  possible  to  enlarge  in  a  more  national  sense  the 
autonomy  of  the  Island,  and  to  make  a  series  of  dis- 
positions tending  to  ameliorate  the  moral  and  material 
situation  of  Crete.    With  this  object  iu  view,  the  Powers 


THE  CRETAN  QUESTION  225 

have  agreed  (i)  to  reorganise  the  gendarmerie  and  to 
create  a  militia  in  which  the  Cretan  and  Greek  elements 
can  be  progressively  developed,  with  the  reservation 
that  the  Greek  officers  whose  assistance  is  accepted 
shall  be  struck  off  the  active  hst  of  the  Greek  Army  ; 
(2)  to  withdraw  the  international  troops  as  soon  as  the 
gendarmerie  and  the  mihtia  are  formed,  and  having 
been  placed  under  the  orders  of  the  High  Commissioner, 
shall  have  restored  tranquillity  and  ensured  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Mussulman  population."  After  dealing 
with  some  financial  reforms  which  were  to  be  introduced, 
this  note  closes  with  the  somewhat  inciting  sentence  : 
"  The  Powers,  in  imparting  these  decisions  to  the 
Cretan  people,  feel  confident  that  they  will  understand 
that  every  step  towards  the  realisation  of  their  national 
aspiration  is  subordinated  to  the  establishment  of  order 
and  of  a  stable  regime."  The  encouragement  vouch- 
safed to  the  Cretans  by  the  arrangement  concerning 
the  Greek  officers  to  be  sent  to  Crete  is  obvious. 
Moreover,  in  spite  of  the  condition  imposed  by  the 
Great  Powers,  that  these  officers  were  to  be  struck  off 
the  active  list  of  the  Greek  Army,  these  gentlemen,  eight 
of  whom  actually  arrived  in  Crete  in  December,  1906, 
although  nominally  removed  from  the  active  list  of  the 
Greek  Army,  were  in  reality  allowed  to  reckon  the  time 
spent  in  Crete  towards  their  promotion,  as  if  this  period 
had  been  passed  on  leave.  When  I  was  in  Crete  I 
ascertained  that  most  of  these  officers  expected  to  return 
to  their  own  regiments  when  their  task  was  completed, 
and  that  their  actual  position  might  be  compared  with 
that  of  a  British  officer  who  is  "  seconded  "  from  his 
regiment. 

Prince  George  of  Greece,  who,  as  I  said  before,  was 
nominated  to  his  appointment  by  the  Powers,  actually 
left  Crete  in  September,  1906.  In  the  same  month 
the  Island  Government  was  informed,  through  the 
medium   of   a  note,   that   **  the   Protecting   Powers,   in 

15 


226  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

order  to  manifest  their  desire  to  take  into  account,  as 
far  as  possible,  the  aspirations  of  the  Cretan  people,  and 
in  order  to  recognise,  in  a  practical  manner,  the  interest 
which  his  Majesty  the  King  of  the  Greeks  ought  always 
to  take  in  the  prosperity  of  Crete,  have  agreed  to 
propose  to  his  Majesty  that  *'  henceforth  every  time 
that  the  post  of  High  Commissioner  of  Crete  becomes 
vacant,  his  Majesty,  after  confidential  consultation  with 
the  representatives  of  the  Great  Powers  at  Athens,  shall 
nominate  a  candidate  capable  of  carrying  out  the  man- 
date of  the  Powers  in  the  Island,  and  that  he  [the  King 
of  Greece]  shall  officially  inform  the  Powers  of  his 
choice.**  The  note  goes  on  to  say  that  the  Protecting 
Powers  as  soon  as  they  have  approved  of  this  decision, 
will  make  the  necessary  arrangements  to  inform  the 
Sultan  of  the  nomination.  This  *'  concession  "  as  it 
is  called  in  the  note,  would  clearly  not  only  enable  the 
King  of  Greece  to  extend  still  further  his  authority  in 
Crete,  but  would  be  yet  another  sign  that  the  Great 
Powers  were  gradually  allowing  Crete  to  be  united  with 
Greece  by  '*  instalments.*'  It  is  obvious  that  a  High 
Commissioner  appointed  by  the  Greek  Court,  however 
honest  he  might  have  been  in  his  desire  to  carry  out  the 
mandate  of  the  Powers  (I  believe  M.  Zaimis  to  have 
been  thoroughly  honest)  would  be  far  more  susceptible 
and  liable  to  Greek  influence  than  he  would  ever  be  to 
that  of  a  Turkish  suzerain,  with  whom  he  was  not 
connected  by  bonds  of  nationality  or  sympathy. 
Although  when  Prince  George  was  appointed  High 
Commissioner  of  Crete  by  the  Powers  in  1898,  the 
appointment  was  felt  by  some  to  have  extended  Grascian 
control  in  Crete  to  a  greater  extent  than  was  advisable, 
yet  in  reality  the  influence  vouchsafed  to  the  King  of 
Greece  by  the  action  of  the  Powers  in  September,  1906, 
was  of  much  more  far-reaching  importance  than  any 
measures  which  were  taken  by  the  European  Concert 
in  1897  or  1898. 


THE  CRETAN 'QUESTION  227 

On  May  nth,  1908,  the  Powers  informed  the  Cretan 

Government  that  they  intended  to  withdraw  the  inter- 
national troops  from  Crete,  in  fulfilment  of  their  promise 
made  on  July  23rd,  1906.  The  evacuation  was  to  be 
completed  within  the  period  of  one  year  from  the  date 
when  the  first  contingent  actually  left  the  Island. » 
Although,  owing  to  the  quite  unforeseen  events  which 
occurred  in  the  Near  East  in  1908,  it  may  be  unreason- 
able to  criticise  the  policy  of  promising  to  withdraw 
the  international  troops  from  Crete,  yet  it  is  of  course 
the  withdrawal  of  these  garrisons  which  has  brought 
about  the  latest  phase  of  the  Cretan  question.  When 
it  became  apparent  in  July,  1908,  that  the  situation 
in  the  Near  East  had  changed,  and  was  changing,  it 
would  undoubtedly  have  been  better  had  the  Powers 
reconsidered  their  former  decision  and  decided  to  main- 
tain at  least  small  military  contingents  in  Crete,  at 
any  rate  until  the  New  Regime  in  Turkey  had  had 
sufficient  time  to  prove  to  Europe  whether  reforms  were 
really  to  be  effected  or  not.  The  evacuation  was  carried 
out  in  spite  of  the  protests  addressed  to  the  Powers 
both  by  the  Turkish  Government  and  by  the  Cretan 
Moslems.  The  Island  followers  of  the  Prophet  sup 
ported  their  protests  by  alluding  to  the  terms  of  the 
proclamation  of  the  admirals  issued  on  November  4th, 
1898 — a  proclamation  which  clearly  stated  that  the 
Moslems  of  the  Island  were  placed  under  the  protection 
of  the  international  troops. 

The  foregoing  remarks  must  have  clearly  proved  to 
my  readers  that  in  1908  the  autonomy  originally 
granted  to  the  Cretans  had  not  only  been  established 
on  the  broadest  basis,  but  that  the  Great  Powers  had 
themselves  encouraged  the  Islanders  to  believe  that  ere 
long  their  union  with  Greece  would  actually  be  an 
accomplished  fact.     Crete  was  far  less  subject  to  the 

*  The  last  international  troops  actually  sailed  from  Crete  before  the 
end  of  July,  1909. 


228  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

authority  of  the  Sultan  when  this  monarch  granted  a 
Constitution  to  his  people  than  was  Eastern  Roumelia. 
Not  only  did  the  Sultan  receive  an  annual  tribute  for 
Eastern  Roumelia,  but  besides  possessing  rights  over 
most  of  the  railways  of  this  province,  the  Ottoman 
Government  was  endowed  with  the  right  (it  was  never 
put  into  force)  of  occupying  and  defending  the  passes 
of  the  Balkans  between  Northern  and  Southern 
Bulgaria.  Prior  to  1908  the  Cretans  were  always  told 
if  annexation  with  Greece  were  permitted,  that  the  whole 
Near  Eastern  Question  would  be  reopened,  and  that 
each  of  the  Balkan  States  would  demand  some  counter- 
balancing compensation.  The  Hellenic  race  has  not  at 
present  received  any  recompense  for  the  independence 
of  Bulgaria. 

It  was  early  in  October,  1908,  that  Bulgaria  declared 
her  independence,  and  that  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina 
were  annexed  to  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire.  Such 
was  the  excitement  in  Canea  when  the  news  of  the 
declaration  of  Bulgarian  independence  was  published, 
that  a  crowd  of  some  10,000  people  at  once  assembled 
and  declared  the  union  of  the  Island  with  Greece.  By 
this  declaration,  in  reality  the  Cretans  only  assumed  of 
right  a  situation  which  was  already  existent  in  fact. 
On  October  12th  the  Cretan  Chamber  legalised  this 
declaration,  and  on  the  next  day  a  committee  of  six 
members  were  elected  to  rule  Crete  in  the  name  of 
King  George  until  the  Greek  Government  had  time  to 
take  over  the  administration  of  the  Island.  Although, 
as  I  have  already  shown,  this  was  not  the  first  declara- 
tion of  union  with  Greece  which  had  been  made  by  the 
Cretans,  yet  no  previous  proclamation  had  carried  with 
it  any  real  changes  in  the  administration  of  the  Island. 
In  October,  1908,  however,  several  important  modifica- 
tions were  introduced.  Amongst  other  things,  (i)  the 
Greek  Constitution  was  applied  in  the  Island  instead 
of  the  one  previously  in  force  in  Crete.    (2)   The  Greek 


THE  CRETAN  QUESTION  229 

flag  was  hoisted  on  practically  all  the  Government 
buildings  where  the  Cretan  colours  had  previously 
floated.  Although  the  emblem  of  Cretan  nationality 
still  flew  on  the  fort  at  Canea  and  at  Suda  Bay  in 
company  with  those  of  the  Great  Powers,  yet  I  believe 
that  at  this  time  about  i,ooo  Greek  flags  were  hoisted 
in  the  Island.  (3)  The  Cretan  stamps  bearing  the 
head  of  M.  Zaimis  (then  High  Commissioner  of  Crete) 
were  surcharged  '*  Hellas  "  or  **  Royaume  de  Grece.** 

(4)  The  pubhc  servants,  the  militia,  the  gendarmerie, 
and  Cretan  functionaries  took  the  constitutional  oath  of 
fidelity  to  King  George  of  Greece,  in  whose  name  justice 
was  henceforth,  and  still  is,  administered  in  the  Island. 

(5)  In  order  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  Greek  code, 
not  only  was  the  jury  system  introduced  in  criminal 
trials,  but  appeals  were  referred  to  the  High  Court  at 
Athens.  So  careful,  however,  were  the  Greek  states- 
men not  to  disobey  the  instructions  of  the  Powers,  that 
the  cases  thus  forwarded  to  the  Greek  capital  were 
never   adjudicated   upon   in   the   Athenian   courts. 

What  was  the  attitude  of  the  Great  Powers  when  they 
heard  of  the  declaration  of  union  with  Greece  and 
actually  saw  the  changes  which  were  subsequently  intro- 
duced by  the  Cretan  Government?  Was  it  an  attitude 
of  absolute  condemnation?  Did  the  Great  Powers 
censure  these  acts  of  overt  insubordination,  either  by 
reproving  the  Cretan  ministers  who  had  sanctioned 
them,  or  by  refusing  to  have  any  diplomatic  dealings 
with  what  must,  to  them,  have  been  an  illegal  Govern- 
ment? Not  at  all.  On  October  28th  the  agents  of 
Great  Britain,  France,  Italy,  and  Russia,  acting  under 
the  orders  of  their  respective  Governments,  informed  the 
Cretan  people  that  '*  the  Protecting  Powers  considered 
the  union  of  Crete  with  Greece  as  dependent  upon  the 
assent  of  the  Powers  who  have  contracted  obligations 
with  Turkey.*'  The  note  goes  on  to  say  that  the  Powers 
'*  would  nevertheless  not  be  averse  to  considering  with 


230    THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

favour  {bienveillance)  the  discussion  of  this  question 
with  Turkey,  provided  that  order  is  maintained  in  the 
Island,  and  that  the  security  of  the  Mussulman  popula- 
tion is  assured."  In  reply  to  this  note,  the  Cretan 
Government  informed  the  representatives  of  the  Great 
Powers  at  Canea  that  **  the  Cretan  people,  at  present 
attached  more  than  ever  to  their  national  aspiration, 
and  confident  as  to  the  justice  of  their  claim,  feel 
profoundly  grateful  to  the  Protecting  Powers  for  taking 
their  cause  in  hand.  The  Cretans,  feeling  sure  that 
the  Powers  in  their  esteemed  benevolence  will  deign 
to  put  the  finishing  touch  upon  the  work  which  they 
have  undertaken,  place  themselves  with  entire  confidence 
in  their  [the  Powers']  hands,  feeling  certain  that  the 
union  with  Greece,  bought  back  with  the  price  of  in- 
numerable sacrifices,  will  definitely  be  accorded  to 
them."  The  Powers  took  no  exception  to  the  clear 
phraseology  of  this  note. 

Again  on  July  13th,  1909,  when  the  New  Regime  in 
Crete  had  been  in  force  about  nine  months,  and  when 
the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  and  the 
independence  of  Bulgaria  had  already  been  officially 
recognised  by  the  Powers,  the  Consuls-General  not  only 
declared  that  the  Protecting  Powers  were  confident  of 
the  loyalty  of  the  Cretan  people,  but  also  clearly 
affirmed  that  they  relied  **  upon  the  energy  and  loyalty 
of  the  established  {constitues)  authorities  for  the  main- 
tenance of  public  order,  and  for  the  safety  of  the 
Mussulman  population,  and  that  they  [the  Powers] 
would  continue  to  concern  themselves  favourably  {avec 
bienveillance)  with  the  Cretan  Question." 

I  have  only  recalled  to  memory  a  few  of  the  events 
which  have  occurred  in  recent  Cretan  history,  and 
enumerated  some  of  the  actions  of  the  European 
Concert,  in  order  to  prove,  if  certain  conditions  were 
fulfilled,  that  the  Cretan  people  have  undoubtedly  been 
encouraged  to  expect  the  realisation  of  their  national 


THE  CRETAN  QUESTION  231 

desire.  By  October,  1908,  the  most  important  stipula- 
tions set  forth  by  the  Powers  in  their  note  of  July  23rd, 
1906,  namely,  that  order  and  tranquillity  should  be 
restored,  and  that  the  gendarmerie  and  militia  should 
be  organised,  had  unquestionably  been  carried  out.  In 
February,  1907,  a  new  Constitution  had  been  substi- 
tuted for  that  drawn  up  under  the  supervision  of  Prince 
George  in  1899.  No  serious  disturbances  had  recently 
occurred  in  the  Island.  Tranquillity  had  been  com- 
pletely restored.  There  had  been  no  threatening  of 
any  attack  upon  the  Mussulman  population. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Cretans  are 
justified  in  anxiously  awaiting  the  recognition  of  their 
union  with  Greece,  the  Turkish  side  of  the  Cretan 
question  deserves  careful  consideration.  As  the  status 
of  Crete  was  arranged  by  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  it  should 
only  be  changed  by  consent  of  all  the  signatory  Powers 
of  that  international  compact.  It  is  natural,  therefore, 
before  any  definite  change  in  the  status  of  the  Island 
is  decided  upon,  that  the  Ottoman  Government  con- 
siders that  such  a  change  should  receive  the  assent  of 
Germany,  Austria,  and  Turkey,  besides  that  of  the 
four  Protecting  Powers.  Moreover,  undoubtedly,  the 
Sublime  Porte  has  been  led  to  believe  on  more  than 
one  occasion  since  the  occupation  of  the  Island  by  the 
Powers  that  the  annexation  of  Crete  to  Greece  would 
not  be  allowed,  at  least  under  present  circumstances. 
In  addition,  if  the  present  Ottoman  Government  were 
allowed  to  discuss  the  recent  history  of  Crete  with  the 
Concert  of  Europe,  it  might  reasonably  urge  that  it 
never  invited  or  authorised  the  Powers  either  to  occupy 
the  Island  or  to  encourage  the  Cretans  to  expect  separa- 
tion from  Turkey.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  advent 
of  a  New  Regime  in  Turkey,  for  a  Government  to 
try  and  undo  arrangements  allowed  by  its  prede- 
cessors would  be  to  reopen  questions  which  were  settled 
in  1898.  This  can,  therefore,  hardly  be  countenanced  by 
the  Great  Powers. 


232  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

The  Turkish  Government,  even  if  it  were  willing 
to  accept  an  indemnity  in  exchange  for  the  loss  of 
Crete,  would  probably  now  be  powerless  to  do  so,  as 
such  a  settlement  would  certainly  be  opposed  by  a 
large  number  of  the  Turkish  inhabitants  of  the  Empire. 
Many  of  the  Young  Turks  are  prepared  to  make  great 
sacrifices,  and  even  to  risk  losing  their  lives,  in  order 
that  Crete  may  nominally  remain  an  Ottoman  island. 
During  my  travels  in  the  Turkish  Empire,  since  the 
advent  of  the  New  Regime,  I  have  had  the  oppor- 
tunity of  discussing  the  future  status  of  Crete  with 
different  classes  of  men  domiciled  in  various  districts 
of  the  interior  of  both  the  European  and  Asiatic 
Provinces  of  the  Empire.  Whatever  may  be  the  origin 
of  their  feelings,  there  is  no  doubt  that  to  the  Moslem 
inhabitants  of  the  Empire  the  Cretan  Question  has  now 
undoubtedly  become  a  matter  of  vital  interest .  Whether 
or  not  these  men  personally  care  about  the  future  of 
Crete,  they  have  certainly  been  educated  up  to  the  idea, 
and  thus  convinced  that  Crete  must  not  on  any  account 
be  handed  over  to  King  George.  Certain  sections  of 
the  Turkish  Press,  by  describing  the  supposed  in- 
justices and  dangers  to  which  the  Moslem  inhabitants 
of  the  Island  are  subjected,  have  undoubtedly  created  a 
kind  of  Pan-Islamistic  feeling  on  the  subject  of  Crete 
amongst   the    '*  True   Believers  "   of   Turkey. 

During  a  visit  to  Salonika,  I  had  the  opportunity 
of  discussing  the  Cretan  Question  with  Dr.  Nazim  Bey 
(the  then  Secretary-General  of  the  Committee  of  Union 
and  Progress).  The  Doctor,  whose  opinions  carry  great 
weight  in  Turkey,  appears  to  have  expressed  the  view 
of  the  average  Young  Turk  when  he  said  that  the 
principal  reasons  why  the  Turkish  sovereignty  over 
Crete  must  be  maintained  are  that — 

I.  Crete  is  only  one  of  many  Greek  islands  form- 
ing part  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  and  therefore  if  the 
politicians  of  one  island  were  successful  in  obtaining 


THE    HEADQUAKTERS   OF   THE   CRETAN    GOVERNMENT   AT   CANEA. 


THE    CRETAN    HOUSE   OF   PARLIAMENT  AT   CANEA. 
The  Greek  flag  is  shown  flying  above  the  building. 


To  face  p.  232. 


THE  CRETAN  QUESTION  233 

union  with  Greece,  then  the  inhabitants  of  the  others 
would  begin  agitations  in  order  to  bring  about  the 
same  change. 

2.  The  Greek  Army  would  be  greatly  strengthened 
by  the  recruits  with  which  it  would  be  furnished  from 
Crete.  At  the  present  time,  about  6,000  Cretans 
annually  attain  the  age  of  nineteen,  so  that  if  the  new 
recruiting  regulations,  which  do  away  with  the  system 
of  drawing  lots,  are  ever  introduced,  the  Greek  Army„ 
in  which  every  able-bodied  man  will  then  be  obliged 
to  serve,  will  certainly  gain  considerable  strength 
by  the  addition  of  a  Cretan  contingent.  It  is  certain, 
too,  that  a  sprinkling  of  Cretan  blood  in  the  Army 
would  do  much  to  improve  the  **  morale  "  of  the  Greek 
troops. 

3.  The  Moslem  Cretans  who  have  emigrated,  and 
are  now  domiciled  in  other  parts  of  the  Ottoman 
Empire,  would  immediately  rise  against  the  Govern- 
ment if  their  native  Island  were  peacefully  sacrificed 
to  the  Greeks.  A  large  amount  of  the  excitement  which 
undoubtedly  exists  in  Turkey  concerning  the  Cretan 
Question  has  certainly  been  fostered  by  the  Moslem 
Islanders  who  have  emigrated  to  the  Ottoman  Empire 
since  the  occupation  of  the  Great  Powers.  Through- 
out the  many  months  during  which  the  latest  phases 
of  the  Cretan  Question  have  occupied  the  attention  of 
Europe,  the  cause  of  the  Moslem  Islanders  has  not  only 
been  ably  championed  by  a  well-written  paper  in 
Constantinople,  but  it  is  at  least  in  part  to  the  same; 
organ  that  the  unrest  on  this  subject  throughout  Turkey 
may  directly  or  indirectly  be  attributed. 

In  addition  to  the  above  described  opposition  which 
would  be  offered  to  the  Government  if  Crete  were  ceded 
to  Greece,  there  is  a  large  body  of  reactionaries  in  the 
country  who  would  be  only  too  pleased  to  have  the 
opportunity  of  making  use  of  the  loss  of  Crete  in  order 
to  gain  influence  by  which  they  could  weaken  the  New 


234  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Regime.  These  malefactors,  whose  power  cannot  be 
ignored,  already  urge  that  the  Government  has  bartered 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  while  it  has  accepted  an  in- 
demnity in  lieu  of  the  Turkish  suzerainty  over  Bulgaria, 
and  in  exchange  for  the  annual  tribute  actually  paid  for 
Eastern  Roumelia. 

During  the  summer  of  1909,  when  the  crisis  between 
Turkey  and  Greece  was  probably  passing  through  its 
most  acute  stages,  the  Ottoman  Government  attempted 
to  link  the  Cretan  and  the  Macedonian  Questions  to- 
gether. If  this  can  successfully  be  accomplished,  it,  of 
course,  enables  the  Turkish  authorities  to  enter  into 
direct  communication  with  Greece*;  while,  on  the  other 
'  hand,  if  the  Cretan  Question  is  alone  under  considera- 
tion, it  is  apparent  that  all  negotiations  must  be  carried 
out  between  Turkey  and  the  Great  Powers.  Not  only 
has  every  endeavour  been  used  to  confuse  the  Cretan 
with  the  Macedonian  Question,  but  the  Greeks  of 
Turkey  who  under  the  Old  Regime  were,  of  course, 
always  supported  by  the  ex-Sultan  Abdul  Hamid  against 
their  Slav  fellow-countrymen,  have  been  and  are  now 
being  made  to  feel  the  effect  of  the  Cretan  Question. 
Although,  at  the  time  of  writing  these  few  pages,  the 
Committee  of  Union  and  Progress  party  is  sufficiently 
strong  to  carry  on  the  government  of  Turkey,  yet  it 
is  clear  that  a  policy  of  entirely  alienating  the  sympathy 
of  the  Greeks  who  so  largely  make  up  the  trading  and 
commercial  classes  in  Turkey  may  not  only  bring  on 
a  war  the  termination  of  which  it  is  difficult  to  prophesy, 
but  such  a  system  may  also  be  productive  of  other  far- 
reaching  results  which  would  be  most  disastrous  to 
the  Empire. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Turks  state  that 
they  are  willing  to  grant  the  fullest  measure  of  autonomy 
to  Crete,  yet  they  wish  to  insist  that  at  all  costs 
the  '*  sovereign  rights  "  of  the  Sultan  must  be  main- 
tained in  the  Island.     It  appears  that  the  maintenance 


THE   CRETAN  QUESTION  235 

of  the  status  quo  at  present  existing  in  Crete  would 
be  unsatisfactory  to  the  Ottoman  authorities,  who  wish 
to  establish  a  Government  somewhat  on  the  same  basis 
as  that  which  exists  in  Samos.^  Whatever  may  be 
the  rights  and  wrongs  of  the  case,  it  is  natural  that  the 
Turkish  Government,  undoubtedly  well  aware  of  the 
difficult  position  in  which  the  Protecting  Powers  are 
placed  by  their  inconsistent  actions  of  the  last  few  years, 
is  now  trying  to  insist  that  a  final  solution  of  the  Cretan 
Question  shall  be  found,  and  in  particular,  amongst 
other   things,   that  : 

(i)  Crete  shall  be  created  an  Autonomous  Princi- 
pality under  the  suzerainty  of  the  Sultan  ;  (2)  the  High 
Commissioner  of  the  Island,  who  is  either  to  be  nomin- 
ated by  the  Powers  and  sanctioned  by  the  Sultan,  or 
else  to  be  appointed  by  the  Sultan  and  sanctioned  by 
the  Powers,  shall  under  no  circumstances  be  a  Greek  ; 
(3)  the  Cretan  stamps  shall  bear  no  semblance  of 
connection  with  Greece.  The  fact  that  the  Turkish 
Government  wishes  to  limit  the  autonomy  already 
existing  in  Crete  by  the  imposition  of  these  conditions 
proves  that  the  Sublime  Porte  is  not  merely  anxious 
to  maintain  the  nominal  authority  which  it  possessed 
in  the  past,  but  is  desirous  of  obtaining  a  firmer  grip 
of  the  Island  than  it  previously  held. 

Throughout  the  stages  of  the  crisis  which  began 
in  the  summer  of  1909,  the  uncertain  attitude  of 
Bulgaria  has  doubtless  influenced  Ottoman  statesmen  to 
be  more  moderate  in  their  demands  than  their  somewhat 
over-patriotic  Turkish  supporters  would  otherwise  have 
sanctioned.     It  was,  of  course,   in    1897,  largely  as  a 

*  Although  since  1832  Samos  has  been  freed  from  the  tyranny  of 
the  Sublime  Porte,  yet  the  autonomy  which  the  island  enjoys  is 
considerably  less  liberal  than  that  granted  by  the  Powers  to  Crete 
in  1898.  The  Governor,  who  is  known  as  the  Prince  of  Samos  and  who 
is  always  a  Christian,  is  appointed  by  the  Sultan.  The  island  is  subject 
to  a  tribute  to  Turkey  amounting  to  about  ;^2,7oo  per  year. 


THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

result  of  Bulgarian  neutrality  during  the  Grseco -Turkish 
War,  that  the  Exarchate  gained  three  extra  dioceses 
in  Macedonia.  When  we  consider  the  feelings  of  the 
great  majority  of  the  people  of  Bulgaria,  it  seems  hardly 
likely  that  King  Ferdinand  would  again  be  willing  to 
remain  a  peaceful  spectator  of  a  war  between  Turkey 
and  Greece  unless  he  was  assured  of  some  real  and 
important  compensation  for  so  doing.  Under  the 
circumstances  which  have  existed  since  1909,  therefore, 
it  is  more  than  probable,  had  a  favourable  occasion 
arisen,  that  King  Ferdinand  and  his  advisers  would  not 
have  been  slow  to  try  to  increase  the  sphere  of 
Bulgarian  influence,  even  if  they  had  failed  finally  to 
settle  the  Macedonian  Question  to  their  own  advantage. 
Henceforth,  in  case  of  hostilities  between  Turkey  and 
Greece  the  part  which  Bulgaria  will  be  able  to  play 
must  largely  depend  upon  the  nature  of  the  reported 
agreement  between  Turkey  and  Roumania.  How  far 
this  convention,  if  it  really  exists  at  all,  will  paralyse 
the  future  actions  of  Bulgaria  must  depend  largely  upon 
how  effectively  King  Ferdinand  can  carry  out  this  policy 
of  balancing  the  Dual  Monarchy  against  Russia,  and 
also  to  what  extent  Russia  can  and  will  protect  her 
**  adopted  child  "  in  the  Balkans. 

During  the  period  which  has  intervened  since  Crete 
was  occupied  by  the  Powers  in  1898  it  appears  to 
have  been  part  of  the  Hellenic  programme  to  exploit 
the  Island  for  the  benefit  of  a  small  section  of  the 
Greek  community.  Had  the  Government  of  Prince 
George  been  more  successful,  it  is  safe  to  assume  that 
Crete  would  now  form  an  intrinsic  part  of  the  Hellenic 
Kingdom.  At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  Prince  George 
in  Crete  the  people  might  almost  be  said  to  have 
idolised  a  Greek  prince.  The  Cretans,  who  at  first 
believed  that  in  the  person  of  his  Royal  Highness  they 
already  saw  the  outward  sign  of  the  realisation  of  their 
great  national  aspiration,  soon  found  that  they  had  been 


THE  CRETAN  QUESTION  237 

deceived.  In  spite  of  the  provisions  laid  down  in  the 
Constitution  that  public  posts  should  be  reserved  for 
natives  of  the  Island,  Prince  George  not  only  surrounded 
himself  with  Greek  officials  and  loitering  courtiers,  but 
also  took  a  personal  part  in  the  political  struggles  of 
the  Islanders.  Not  content  even  with  the  autocratic 
powers  with  which  he  was  endowed  by  law,  such  was 
the  spirit  in  which  Prince  George  carried  out  the 
mandate  of  the  Powers,  that  although  he  drew  a  salary 
of  £8,000  a  year,  his  Royal  Highness  compared  his  life 
to  the  exile  of  Napoleon  in  St.  Helena.  Although  the 
Prince  was  undoubtedly  surrounded  by  many  difficulties, 
and  although  he  certainly  did  something  to  bring  about 
the  efficient  organisation  of  the  militia,  yet  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Island  during  his  tenure  of  office  need 
not  have  been  carried  out  in  such  an  unsatisfactory 
manner  that  an  ever-increasing  discontent  arose  among 
the  inhabitants,  and  an  almost  ceaseless  rebellion  con- 
tinued in  the  Island. 

Since  the  evacuation  of  Crete  by  the  international 
troops  two  important  crises  have  arisen  in  the  Island. 
In  both  cases  the  Cretans  have  certainly  been  foolish  in 
incurring  the  displeasure  of  the  Protecting  Powers  on 
whom  their  future  status  must  so  largely  depend. 
Immediately  after  the  departure  of  the  last  foreign 
contingent  from  Canea,  the  Cretans  hoisted  the  Greek 
flag  on  the  ancient  fort  which  flanks  the  entrance  to  the 
harbour  of  that  town.  Although,  owing  to  the  fact 
that  about  1,000  Greek  flags  had  then  already  been 
hoisted  and  are  still  flying  in  the  Island,  this  act  of 
Cretan  "  insubordination  "  could  have  had  little  real 
importance  for  Turkey,  yet  as  a  result  of  the  protests 
and  threats  of  the  Ottoman  Government  each  of  the 
Protecting  Powers  sent  two  warships  to  Canea  to  remove 
the  offending  emblem.  The  flagstaff  was  actually  hewn 
down  on  August  i"8th,  1 909,  by  contingents  landed  from 
the  international  fleet  to  represent  each  of  the  four  Pro- 


238    THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

tecting  Powers.  Although  there  is  no  doubt  that  from 
their  own  point  of  view  it  was  bad  policy  on  the  part 
of  the  Cretans  to  refuse  to  remove  the  flag  themselves, 
yet  such  was  the  feeling  in  Canea,  that  in  spite  of  the 
better  counsel  of  M.  Venezelos  and  of  others  among  the 
more  moderate  local  politicians,  it  was  impossible  for 
the  Island  Government  to  issue  instructions  for  the  flag 
to  be  removed. 

A  second  instance  of  what  was  certainly  Cretan  folly 
occurred  when  the  Chamber  reassembled  early  in  May, 
1910.  The  Assembly  having  been  opened  in  the  name 
of  the  King  of  Greece,  as  on  several  former  occasions 
the  Christian  deputies  (about  fifty-seven  in  number) 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  King  George.  The 
Moslem  deputies  (who  number  about  eight)  immediately 
handed  in  a  written  protest,  which  was  certainly  most 
immoderate  in  its  text  and  which  there  is  reason  to 
suppose  was  not  framed  at  Canea,  but  drawn  up  by 
certain  Chauvinistic  Turkish  politicians  at  Salonika. 
Subsequently  a  Moslem  deputy  was  about  to  lay  a 
second  protest  before  the  Chamber  when  the  document 
was  seized  and  torn  up  by  one  Christian  member  whilst 
another  struck  the  Moslem  politician  in  the  face.  As 
a  result  of  this  scene  the  two  Christian  offenders  were 
suspended.  Although  there  can  be  no  excuse  to  merit 
the  subsequent  exclusion  of  the  Moslem  deputies  from 
the  Cretan  Chamber,  yet  it  seems  probable  that  M. 
Venezelos,  faced  with  the  alternative  of  either  risking  a 
breach  of  the  peace  in  the  Island  or  of  preventing  the 
Mohammedan  deputies  from  taking  part  in  the  debates 
in  the  Chamber  unless  they  agreed  to  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  King  of  Greece,  decided  to  adopt 
the  lesser  of  the  two  evils.  Notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  result  of  such  a  measure  was  obvious  from 
the  first,  yet  the  President  of  the  Chamber,  by  at 
least  attempting  to  pander  to  what  was  undoubtedly 
Cretan  hot-headedness,  probably  gained  support  in  the 


THE  CRETAN  QUESTION  239 

Island  which  otherwise  he  would  hardly  have  secured. 
As  soon  as  it  became  clear  to  the  Protecting  Powers 
that  the  Cretans  would  not  admit  the  Moslem  deputies 
to  the  Chamber  unless  they  were  compelled  to  do  so, 
ships  were  despatched  to  Canea.  In  face  of  a  European 
demonstration  and  in  order  to  prevent  the  Custom 
House  at  Canea  from  being  occupied  by  representative 
detachments  of  the  Great  Powers,  on  July  9th  the 
Cretan  Assembly  voted  in  favour  of  the  unconditional 
admission  of  the  Moslems  to  the  debates  of  the  Cretan 
Assembly.  Whatever  the  Powers  have  or  have  not  done 
since  they  first  occupied  the  Island  in  1898,  they  have 
always  promised  to  protect  the  rights  and  property 
of  the  Moslem  minority,  and  therefore  for  the  Islanders 
to  take  it  upon  themselves  to  interfere  with  the  carry- 
ing out  of  these  promises  could  only  have  as  a  result 
what  has,  in  fact,  occurred. 

It  is  natural  that  the  Young  Turks,  by  pressing  for 
an  early  settlement  of  the  Cretan  Question,  should 
attempt  to  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunities  granted 
to  them,  not  only  by  the  undecided  attitude  of  the 
Concert  of  Europe,  but  also  by  the  former  inertness 
of  the  Athenian  rulers  and  the  inefficiency  of  the  Greek 
Army.  At  the  present  moment  some  of  the  simplest 
details  of  the  Regime,  now  said  to  be  in  force 
in  Crete,  remain  undefined.  It  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  meet  any  European  statesman  who  could 
explain  exactly  the  meaning  of  the  status  quo  in 
the  Island.  Does  the  status  quo^  which  the  Powers 
have  promised  to  maintain  mean  the  status  quo 
which  existed  before  or  after  October,  1908?  More- 
over, is  the  status  quo  conditional  upon  the  number 
of  Greek  flags  floating  in  Crete?  Does  the  Island 
now  possess,  too,  a  High  Commissioner  of  the  Powers? 
M.  Zaimis  proceeded  on  leave  of  absence  to  Athens  on 
October  3rd,  1908,  before  the  Cretan  declaration  of  union 
with  Greece,  and  has  neither  returned  nor  been  replaced. 


IX 

THE   MILITARY   REVOLUTION   IN   GREECE 

Causes  of  the  revolution — The  Military  League — The  Government  of 
M.  MavromichaHs — Programme  of  the  League — Attitude  of  M. 
Theotokis    and    of    M.    Rallis    towards    the    League — Want    of 

•  moderation  on  the  part  of  the  members  of  the  League — Formation 
of  a  Cabinet  d' Affaires  under  M.  Dragoumis — Proposed  changes  in 
the  Constitution — The  First  Grand  National  Assembly  of  1910. 

When  we  consider  the  governmental  system  of  all 
Balkan  countries  in  comparison  with  those  of  Great 
Britain,  the  United  States  of  America,  or,  in  fact,  almost 
any  great  Western  Power,  they  are  but  vaguely  con- 
stitutional. Recent  events  and  revelations  will  have 
proved  to  my  readers  that  although  the  Greek 
Government  may  have  been  somewhat  more  constitu- 
tional than  those  of  some  of  the  neighbouring  countries, 
yet  the  internal  state  of  the  country  undoubtedly  left 
much  to  be  desired.  The  causes  of  the  so-called 
military  revolution,  which,  as  we  know,  actually  took 
place  during  the  closing  days  of  August,  1909,  may 
conveniently    be    grouped   under   two   headings  : 

1 .  Things  which  appertain  to  the  interior  affairs 
of  the  State. 

2.  Things  which  relate  to  the  external  politics  of 
the  country,  and  which  are  sometimes  a  consequence 
of  those  classified  under  the  first  division. 

For  many  years  in  Greece  politics  have  been  made 
use  of  by  those  taking  part  in  them,  either  to  advance 
their  own  interests  or  to  further  the  advantages  of  their 

340 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      241 

friends.  The  Hellenic  deputies  who  are  elected  to 
represent  the  interests  of  the  people,  in  many  cases  for 
purely  personal  reasons,  have  hindered  their  respective 
parties  when  these  parties  should  have  endeavoured  to 
carry  out  far-reaching  reforms.  Party  leaders  have 
constantly  played  for  their  own  advancement  instead 
of  for  the  welfare  of  the  nation.  Government  officials 
have  been  for  the  most  part  changed  as  each  new 
party  entered  upon  its  term  of  office.  The  Army  and 
the  Navy  have  been  pitiably  neglected,  and  the  money 
which  has  been  voted  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  these 
services  has  either  been  devoted  to  other  purposes  or 
else  wasted.  The  projects  for  new  laws  dealing  with 
Army  reorganisation  have  been  pigeon-holed,  and  often 
not  heard  of  again  for  years. 

The  people  of  Greece  felt  that  the  unpreparedness 
of  the  Army,  undoubtedly  the  most  important  of  the 
two  defensive  forces  of  the  country,  was  to  some  extent 
due  to  the  privileged  position  held  by  the  princes  of 
the  blood  royal.  In  August,  1909,  the  Crown  Prince 
still  held  the  appointment  of  Commander-in-Chief, 
whilst  Princes  Nicholas,  Andrew,  and  Christopher  occu- 
pied peculiarly  advantageous  appointments  in  the  Greek 
Army.  During  the  critical  period  through  which  the 
Greek  people  passed  between  the  revolution  in  Turkey 
in  July,  1908,  and  the  military  upheaval  in  Athens  in 
August,  1909,  it  was  felt  that  the  Crown  Prince  should 
have  occupied  himself  more  wholly  with  his  military 
duties,  instead  of  continuing  to  move  in  a  narrow  clique 
of  society  and  to  live  for  amusement  rather  than  for 
work,  at  a  time  when  every  Greek,  from  the  lowest 
to  the  highest,  ought  to  have  been  employed  in  things 
which  would  further  the  welfare  of  the  State.  Although 
no  accusations  of  extravagance  or  riotous  living  are 
brought  against  them,  the  fact  that  the  royal  princes 
spent  much  of  their  time  in  going  about,  not 
always    amongst    the    leading    members    of    Athenian 

16 


242  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

society,  but  rather  in  associating  with  the  richest  in- 
habitants of  the  country,  was  much  resented  by  the 
population  in  general  and  more  especially  by  the  Army, 
who  naturally  considered  that  they  suffered  in  conse- 
quence. Even  their  Majesties  the  King  and  Queen  did 
not  escape  criticism  from  the  Young  Greeks. 

In  spite  of  the  feelings  of  resentment  which  existed 
amongst  the  majority  of  the  population  against  the 
conduct  of  the  royal  princes,  it  seems  more  than 
probable  that,  had  the  King  cast  in  his  lot  with  the 
party  leaders  and  with  the  people,  and  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  what  was  a  popular  movement,  the 
League,  as  voiced  by  its  more  violent  supporters,  would 
have  been  overthrown,  and  the  period  of  uncertainty 
and  anxiety  which  existed  for  so  many  months  as  a 
result  of  the  outburst  of  popular  indignation  which 
occurred  in  August,  1909,  might  have  been  consider- 
ably shortened. 

Notwithstanding  the  many  assertions  to  the  contrary, 
the  strong  position  really  occupied  by  his  Majesty,  a 
position  which  might  from  the  first  have  been  utilised 
with  great  effect,  is  demonstrated  by  at  least  two  events 
which  took  place  during  the  regime  of  the  Military 
League.  At  the  end  of  December,  1909,  when  Colonel 
Zorbas  proposed  to  his  Majesty  that  a  Cabinet  d*Affaires 
should  be  summoned,  King  George  resolutely  and  posi- 
tively refused  even  to  see  the  list  of  names  from  which 
the  League  considered  the  Ministry  might  be  formed. 
His  Majesty  informed  Colonel  Zorbas  at  the  same  time 
that  the  then  Prime  Minister  had  not  even  tendered 
his  resignation,  and  that  until  he  did,  he,  the  King, 
could  not  contemplate  his  successor.  Again,  early  in 
1 910,  when  the  Military  League  took  upon  itself  pre- 
maturely to  announce  the  fall  of  M.  Mavromichalis* 
Government  in  the  Press,  his  Excellency  refused  to 
quit  office  as  long  as  his  Majesty  required  him  to  remain 
in  power.     As  a  fact,  in  spite  of  the  protests  of  the 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      243 

League,  the  new  Government  of  M.  Dragoumis  was  not 
formed  for  six  or  seven  days. 

At  a  time  when  an  undoubted  feeling  of  discontent 
was  increasing  in  the  country,  the  fire  was  suddenly 
kindled  by  the  renewed  complications  which  arose  con- 
cerning the  Cretan  Question.  As  a  direct  result  of 
the  declaration  of  Bulgarian  independence  in  October, 
1908,  the  Cretans  unanimously  proclaimed  their  imion 
with  Greece.  Although  the  condition  of  the  Greek 
Army  was  at  this  time  pitiable,  yet  it  seems  probable 
that,  had  King  George  and  his  people  been  as  bold 
as  the  Bulgarians  were  in  1885,  and  had  M.  Theotokis 
(then  Prime  Minister)  determined  to  disobey  the  orders 
of  the  Great  Powers  and  to  accept  openly  the  declara- 
tion of  the  people  of  Canea,  a  permanent  solution  for 
the  Cretan  Question  would  at  that  time  have  been 
arrived  at.  Another  favourable  opportunity  was 
allowed  to  pass  unheeded  in  April,  1909,  when  at  the 
time  ot  the  counter-revolution  in  Constantinople,  and 
the  consequent  difficulties  in  which  the  Young  Turks 
were  placed,  it  might  have  been  possible  for  the  Greek 
Government  to  accept  the  declaration  of  union  with 
Greece  made  by  the  Cretans.  Had  this  been  done,  the 
Greeks,  with  the  excuse  of  assisting  the  Young  Turks  to 
defray  the  expense  of  their  march  to  Constantinople, 
could  have  paid  a  sum  of  money  to  Turkey  which, 
although  it  would  really  have  been  a  compensation  to 
the  Turks  for  the  loss  of  Crete,  need  not  either  have 
been  received  as  an  indemnity  by  the  Turkish  Govern- 
ment or  have  been  thought  of  as  such  by  the  more 
ignorant  sections  of  the  Mohammedan  population,  who 
now  so  bitterly  oppose  any  Ministry  which  shows  weak- 
ness concerning  the  Cretan  Question.  In  spite  of  these 
two  favourable  opportunities  which  occurred,  King 
George  and  M.  Theotokis  preferred  to  have  confidence 
in  the  benevolence  of  Europe,  and  to  rely  upon  the 
remarks    which    are   said    to    have    been    made    to    his 


244  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Majesty  by  the  representative  of  one  of  the  four 
Protecting  Powers. 

Throughout  the  months  which  intervened  between  the 
Cretan  declaration  of  union  with  Greece  in  October, 
1908,  and  the  final  evacuation  of  the  Island  by  the 
military  forces  of  the  Great  Powers,  the  Young 
Turks  had  wisely  contented  themselves  by  placid, 
formal  protests  against  the  actions  of  the  people  of 
Canea.  In  the  meantime,  however,  the  Ottoman 
Government  had  settled  her  outstanding  questions  with 
the  Austro -Hungarian  Government,  and  with  the  Tzar 
of  Bulgaria.  In  addition  to  the  fact  of  her  improved 
military  position,  events  took  place  which  gave  Rifaat 
Pasha,  in  the  name  of  the  Turkish  Cabinet,  an  oppor- 
tunity of  impressing  upon  the  Greek  Government,  at 
that  time  led  by  M.  Rallis,  the  powerless  state  in  which 
Greece  then  found  herself. 

Whatever  might,  or  might  not,  have  been  the  possi- 
bilities of  success  which  would  have  awaited  any 
forward  policy  on  the  part  of  the  Athenian  statesmen 
in  October,  1908,  or  in  April,  1909,  it  is  certain  that 
in  August,  1 909,  the  only  possible  attitude  to  be  adopted 
by  the  advisers  of  King  George  throughout  the  critical 
days  during  which  the  international  fleet  lay  off  Canea 
was  that  of  tranquil  acquiescence  with  anything  that 
might  be  decided  or  advised  by  the  Great  Powers  of 
Europe.  The  Young  Turks,  fully  realising  that  for 
them  other  external  complications  were  for  the  moment 
non-existent,  and  that  their  own  Army  had  been  some- 
what improved  during  a  year  passed  under  the  New 
R(^gime,  not  unnaturally  wished  to  increase  their 
prestige  in  the  interior  of  Turkey  and  consequently  made 
their  position  of  authority  unpleasantly  felt  at  Athens. 
Not  only  were  endeavours  made  to  hold  the  Greek 
Government  responsible  for  the  events  which  were  then 
occurring  in  Crete,  but  most  audacious  endeavours  were 
made   by    the   Turks   to   mix   up    the    Cretan   and   the 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      245 

Macedonian  Questions  in  order  that,  concerning  the 
latter  at  least,  direct  negotiations  might  be  entered 
into  between  the  Sublime  Porte  and  the  advisers  of 
King  George.  This  systematic  attempt  to  inflict 
humiliation  upon  the  Greeks  was  all  but  successful, 
and  hostilities  would  probably  have  broken  out  in 
August,  1909,  had  it  not  been  for  the  diplomatic  inter- 
vention of  the  European  Concert. 

These  are  the  factors  of  foreign  policy  which  naturally 
led  to  an  outburst  of  popular  indignation  against  the 
Government  in  August,  1909.  Although  the  outbreak 
actually  occurred  during  M.  Rallis'  tenure  of  office, 
the  movement  was  not  in  reality  directed  against  any 
particular  Cabinet  or  apy  special  party  leader.-;  it  was 
aimed  against  the  party  politicians  in  general.  This 
attitude  of  the  people  is  clearly  shown  by  the  fact  that 
M.  Theotokis  and  M.  Rallis  were  both,  for  somewhat 
different  reasons,  forced  to  retire  at  the  will  of  the 
people,  in  the  latter  case  openly  supported  by  the 
newly -formed   Military   League. 

The  greatest  difficulty  which  Greek  statesmen  have 
been  compelled  to  encounter  and  to  attempt  to  over- 
come throughout  the  many  crises  which  have  taken 
place  in  Greece  since  April,  1909,  has  been  that,  owing 
to  the  attitude  of  the  Cretan  people,  it  has  been  im- 
practicable to  resort  to  a  General  Election.  In  case 
of  a  General  Election,  if  the  Cretans  decided  to  send 
deputies  to  Athens,  then  the  Greek  rulers  would  be 
almost  powerless  to  refuse  these  deputies  admittance 
to  the  Chamber.  Not  only  would  the  Cretans  domiciled 
in  Greece  resent  such  an  insult  to  their  fellow-Islanders, 
but  no  Government  which  adopted  this  course  could 
hope  to  withstand  the  displeasure  of  a  people  already 
so  greatly  perturbed  by  the  state  of  political  corruption 
which  has  already  made  Greece  almost  a  negligible 
quantity  in  Balkan  politics.  As  a  result  of  this 
difficulty,  in  April,  1909,  when  M.  Theotokis  tendered  his 


246  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

resignation  to  the  King,  M.  Rallis,  after  several  days' 
deliberation,  considered  it  impossible  for  him  to  form 
a  Ministry  without  first  understanding  the  views  of  the 
people,  and  therefore  refused  office  rather  than  risk  the 
external  dangers  which  would  undoubtedly  have  been 
caused  if  he  had  forced  on  an  election.  In  July,  when 
M.  Theotokis  actually  resigned,  knowing  that  he  could 
not  rely  upon  the  Army  to  support  him  against  a  great 
demonstration  which  had  been  arranged  to  prove  the 
feelings  of  the  people  towards  the  Cretan  policy  of 
the  Government,  M.  Rallis  only  undertook  the  responsi- 
bilities of  office  on  condition  that  Parliament  was  to  be 
dissolved. 

At  this  time,  although  the  coming  military  revolt 
had  not  actually  made  itself  apparent  to  the  world, 
yet  the  affairs  of  the  State  were  in  a  critical  condition. 
Although,  therefore.  King  George  had  arranged  with 
M.  Rallis  that  a  dissolution  should  take  place,  it  was 
subsequently  found  necessary  to  abandon  all  idea  of 
elections,  owing  to  the  attitude  of  the  Cretan  people. 
It  was  natural,  therefore,  as  it  was  impossible  for  M. 
Rallis  to  formulate  a  programme  to  be  laid  before 
the  electorate,  that  the  Cabinet  should  be  greatly 
weakened,  and  finally  that  it  should  be  obliged  to  resign 
by  the  action  of  the  majority  of  the  people,  who  were 
compelled  to  demonstrate  their  feelings  by  throwing 
in  their  lot  with  the  Military  League,  instead  of  taking 
part  in  a  General  Election,  and  thus  openly  showing  to 
which  party  they  belonged. 

The  date  of  the  commencement  of  the  military  move- 
ment in  Greece  seems  difficult  to  fix  precisely.  During 
May  those  who  were  really  cognisant  of  the  internal 
state  of  the  country  became  aware  that  something  was 
going  on  beneath  the  surface.  The  exact  nature  of 
the  movement  was,  of  course,  then  unknown  to  any 
but  those  actually  and  intimately  connected  with  it. 
Up  to   the   last  moment   the  governmental  authorities 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      247 

hastened  to  afifirm  that  the  agitation  was  of  no  im- 
portance, and  that  it  only  represented  the  ideas  of  a 
few  unimportant  and  at  the  same  time  junior  officers. 
The  actual  formation  of  the  Military  League,  perhaps, 
dates  from  just  before  the  fall  of  M.  Theotokis* 
Government,  on  July  19th,  1909.  The  governmental 
authorities,  who  had  received  information  concerning 
a  gathering  which  was  about  to  take  place  in  a  certain 
house  in  Athens,  sent  an  official  to  make  inquiries 
as  to  who  was  present  at  this  meeting,  and  with  what 
object  it  had  been  convened.  This  official,  instead  of 
making  his  investigations  at  the  head  of  a  body  of 
troops,  proceeded  alone  to  the  house  where  the  revolu- 
tionary meeting  was  believed  to  be  taking  place.  While 
the  owner  of  the  house  parleyed  with  his  unwelcome 
visitor,  the  guests,  who  numbered  about  sixty  officers^ 
and  who  had  assembled  to  discuss  their  future  plans, 
escaped  through  another  door.  When  the  govern- 
mental spy  entered  the  house,  he  therefore  found 
nothing  more  unusual  than  a  game  of  bridge  taking 
place  ;  but  he  did  not  realise  that  the  Military  League 
was  already  a  live  institution. 

The  organisation  of  the  Greek  Military  League,  like 
that  of  the  Turkish  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress, 
remains  more  or  less  a  mystery.  The  Young  Greek 
officers,  full  well  knowing  that  the  efficiency  of  the 
Army  had  been  and  still  was  considered  as  a  thing  of 
but  small  importance  by  the  Greek  statesmen  of  all 
political  parties,  and  having  as  an  example  the  success 
of  the  Turkish  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress, 
decided  to  form  an  organisation  somewhat  on  the  same 
lines  as  that  already  existing  in  the  Ottoman  Dominions. 
It  is  probable  that  some  of  the  Greek  officers,  who  have 
undoubtedly  so  often  played  a  prominent  part  in  Mace- 
donian affairs,  and  who  must,  therefore,  have  been 
cognisant  about,  if  not  actually  members  of,  the  Com- 
mittee of  Union  and  Progress,  on  their  return  to  Greece 


248  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

helped  to  form  the  Military  League.  When,  however, 
the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress  and  the  Military 
League  are  compared,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
the  former  body  was  composed  of  and  organised  by 
both  military  and  civil  members  of  the  Ottoman  popu- 
lation, in  order  to  overthrow  a  despotic  and  absolute 
Government  of  the  worst  possible  nature,  and  to 
establish  some  more  liberal  form  of  administration  ; 
whilst  the  Greek  Military  League  was  formed  in  order 
to  overthrow  a  nominally  constitutional,  even  if  corrupt, 
Government,  and  to  establish  what  practically  amounted 
to  an  absolute  Government  under  the  control  of  a 
military  body. 

The  League,  which  was  in  the  first  instance  supported 
by  the  great  Greek  guilds,  and  was  at  once  backed 
up  by  almost  the  entire  Press,  quickly  increased  its 
numbers  and  grew  in  importance.  While  at  first  but 
200  officers  belonged  to  this  organisation,  when  I 
returned  to  Athens  in  January,  19 10,  after  an  absence 
of  five  months,  I  found  that  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
commissioned  and  non-commissioned  officers  of  the 
Army  had  thrown  in  their  lot  with  the  Greek  agitators. 
The  control  of  this  organisation  was  entrusted  to  a 
General  Committee  at  Athens.  This  Committee  con- 
sisted of  General  Zorbas  and  seven  or  nine  officers 
whose  names  and  military  appointments  it  was  difficult 
to  ascertain.  As  far  as  I  could  find  out  after  careful 
investigation,  there  were  about  twelve  provincial  dis- 
tricts, each  of  which  was  organised  under  a  president, 
assisted  by  a  local  council  of  five  or  six  members. 
In  addition,  a  branch  of  the  League  existed  in  almost 
every  regiment.  The  presidents  of  all  the  branches 
were  elected  by  the  local  members.  When  any  im- 
portant decision  had  to  be  arrived  at,  each  branch 
was  nominally  asked  whether  it  agreed  with  the  pro- 
posals  made   by   the   Central   Committee. 

General  Zorbas  is  a  man  possessed  of  comparatively 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      249 

moderate  ideas.  It  is  said  that  the  revolution  would 
have  been  more  violent  had  he  not  been  entrusted 
with  the  leadership  of  the  League.  In  a  conversation 
which  I  had  with  the  General,  he  hastened  to  affirm  that 
the  military  movement  was  not  directed  against  the 
Royal  Family,  but  was  aimed  at  the  party  politicians 
who  had  for  years  misgoverned  the  country.  The 
General  assured  me  that  the  Military  League,  which  he 
said  was  not  even  at  that  time  governing  the  country, 
but  which  only  submitted  its  ideas  to  the  Government, 
would  not  long  continue  to  use  its  influence,  but  was 
obliged  to  see  its  programme  carried  out.  I  ventured 
to  intimate  that  many  people  thought  that  as  the  League 
had  rendered  constitutional  government  impossible,  its 
leaders  might  have  undertaken  the  responsibilities  of 
power  themselves,  and  in  particular  that  he  (the 
General)  could  have  taken  over  the  duties  of  either  the 
Prime  Minister  or  Minister  of  War.  To  these  sugges- 
tions the  General  could  give  no  satisfactory  reply.  In 
answer  to  my  questions  concerning  the  extra  taxation 
which  would  be  put  upon  the  country,  in  order  to  enable 
the  Government  to  carry  out  the  programme  of  the 
League,  the  General  asserted  that  the  people  could 
sustain  the  extra  burden. 

After  the  Military  League  began  to  exert  its  power 
openly  at  the  end  of  August,  the  Greek  Constitution 
became  absolutely  non-existent  in  anything  but  name. 
I  have  already  explained  the  reasons  which  led  to  the 
fall  of  M.  Theotokis  in  July.  As  a  result  of  the  repre- 
sentations made  by  the  Military  League,  M.  Rallis,  who 
had  then  been  in  power  for  only  a  little  over  a  month, 
was  compelled  to  sanction  the  meeting  of  the  Chamber 
during  September.  Not  content  with  this  concession 
on  the  part  of  the  Premier,  the  Young  Greeks,  as 
a  result  of  M.  Rallis 's  refusal  to  receive  a  memorandum 
from  the  League  at  the  hands  of  three  young  officers, 
whom   he   said   had   insulted   him,   organised   a   great 


250  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

military  demonstration  against  the  Government  at 
Goudi — a  hill  outside  Athens — during  the  night  of 
August  2 7th- 2 8th.  All  the  members  of  the  Military- 
League,  supported  by  the  greater  part  of  the  military 
garrison  of  Athens,  took  part  in  the  demonstration. 
After  endeavouring  to  make  terms  with  the  revolu- 
tionaries for  some  hours,  M.  Rallis,  being  unable  to 
accept  the  programme  of  the  League,  and  fearing  that 
resistance  might  cause  bloodshed,  tendered  his  resigna- 
tion to  King  George. 

After  the  enforced  resignation  of  M.  Rallis,  the  only 
course  which  remained  open  to  his  Majesty  was  either 
to  ask  General  Zorbas  to  form  a  Government  or  to 
find  some  politician  who  would  be  able  and  willing 
to  nominate  a  Ministry  which  would  be  under  the 
control  of  the  League.  M.  Mavromichalis,  who  was 
originally  a  member  of  the  Rallist  party,  and  who 
possessed  only  between  thirty  and  forty  supporters  in 
the  Chamber,  undertook  the  difficult  task,  during  the 
closing  days  of  August.  Although  this  statesman  is 
often  criticised  for  accepting  office  under  conditions 
which  really  rendered  his  Government  little  more  than 
an  agent  of  the  League,  yet  it  is  impossible  for  patriotic 
Greeks,  and  for  unbiassed  observers,  not  to  under- 
stand that  M.  Mavromichalis,  with  the  support  of  but  a 
small  section  of  the  Chamber,  undertook  to  be  the 
medium  whose  name  preserved  the  Constitution,  largely 
in  order  that  he  might  negotiate  with  the  revolution- 
aries, and  effect  a  compromise  with  them.  Besides,  the 
action  of  M.  Mavromichalis  enabled  King  George  to 
remain  in  Athens,  and,  therefore,  avoided  the  disastrous 
effects  for  Greece  which  would  undoubtedly  have 
been  brought  about  by  any  change  in  the  Dynasty,  at  a 
juncture  when  the  future  of  the  country  hung  in  the 
balance,  and  when  the  presence  of  a  monarch  who, 
whatever  may  have  been  his  attitude  towards  the 
internal  affairs  of  his  country,  undoubtedly  always  had 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      251 

been,  was,  and  still  is,  the  object  of  the  friendly  senti- 
ments of  the  monarchs  of  the  most  important  European 
countries. 

The  programme  of  the  Military  League  was  issued 
by  the  officers  in  the  form  of  a  manifesto  to  the  King, 
and  to  the  Government,  on  August  27th.  This  docu- 
ment asked  that  radical  reforms  should  be  introduced  in 
the  administration  of  the  country,  and  especially  that 
the  Army  and  the  Navy  should  be  reorganised  in  order 
that  Greece  might  not  be  subjected  to  any  further 
humiliations.  The  League  demanded,  moreover,  that 
the  Crown  Prince  and  the  other  royal  princes  should 
no  longer  hold  their  privileged  positions  in  the  Army, 
and  that  the  posts  of  Ministers  of  War  and  of  Marine 
should  henceforth  be  held  by  a  soldier  and  by  a  sailor, 
and  not  by  a  civilian  as  heretofore.  In  addition, 
besides  other  demands  of  lesser  importance,  the  League 
insisted  that  a  battleship  of  not  less  than  10,000  tons 
should  be  purchased  by  the  Government,  and  that  the 
reserves  should  be  more  effectively  trained. 

In  order  to  cover  the  expense  occasioned  by  the  extra 
expenditure  proposed,  the  Military  League  suggested 
that  large  economies  should  be  made  in  the  general 
Budget  of  the  country.  In  order  to  effect  these  econo- 
mies, the  programme  of  M.  Eftaxias  (the  Minister  of 
Finance),  laid  before  the  Chamber  in  October,  1909, 
suggested  that  the  expenses  of  the  Ministries  of  Justice, 
Finance,  and  Foreign  Affairs  should  be  reduced,  that 
taxes  should  be  better  collected,  and  that  plans  should 
be  drawn  up  for  exploiting  the  forests  of  the  country. 
In  addition  it  was  proposed  that  the  lower  and  middle 
classes,  who  had  in  the  past  been  burdened  by  taxes 
upon  the  necessaries  of  life,  should  be  at  least  somewhat 
relieved,  and  that  arrangements  should  be  made  for 
charging  the  upper  classes  with  the  proper  proportion 
of  the  taxes  of  the  country.  The  Budget  was  actually 
passed  by  the  Cabinet  of  M.  Dragoumis.     Although, 


252  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

according  to  the  estimates — proposed  during  the 
autumn— M.  Eftaxias  considered  that  the  receipts  would 
amount  to  more  than  £5,900,000,  yet  in  face  of  the 
opposition  of  the  people  many  of  the  new  duties  had  to 
be  diminished  or  repealed  altogether,  and  a  con- 
consequent  reduction  in  the  proposed  expenditure  of 
the  country  had  to  be  effected.  It  is  doubtful,  there- 
fore, whether  the  Budget  actually  voted,  which  amounts 
approximately  to  £5,589,000,  will  not,  in  fact,  result 
in  a  deficit. 

The  first  act  of  M.  Mavromichalis'  Government 
which  accepted  office  while  the  garrison  of  Athens  was 
still  at  Goudi,  was  to  promise  to  adopt  all  the  main 
points  contained  in  the  programme  of  the  League, 
and  to  pardon  the  seven  officers  who  had  been 
imprisoned  by  the  previous  Government.  After  M. 
Mavromichalis  had  formed  his  Government,  it  remained 
with  M.  Theotokis,  who,  with  over  100  supporters, 
led  the  majority  in  the  Chamber,  to  settle  whether  his 
party  should  uphold  the  new  Prime  Minister  or  not. 
M.  Theotokis,  who  was  at  Corfu  at  the  time  of  the 
military  outbreak,  and  who  at  first  threatened  to  retire 
from  public  life  and  to  leave  all  his  followers  to  vote  as 
they  thought  best,  returned  to  Athens  two  days  after 
the  opening  of  the  Chamber.  After  some  consideration, 
M.  Theotokis  seems  to  have  decided  that,  on  national 
grounds,  as  he  was  forced  by  one  of  two  evils,  the 
lesser  would  be  to  support  M.  Mavromichalis,  and, 
therefore,  he  subsequently  voted  with  the  Government, 
which  for  months  existed  solely  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Military  League.  Although  his  Excellency,  who  in 
the  past  had  not  only  been  Prime  Minister,  but  also 
Minister  of  War,  was  undoubtedly  placed  in  a  very 
difficult  position  by  being  compelled  to  vote  in  favour 
of  the  suppression  of  the  post  of  Commander-in-Chief, 
which  he  had  himself  created  for  the  Crown  Prince, 
yet  it  is  difficult  to  sympathise  with  the  position  held 


<   c  '      <      'j 


THEIMILITABY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      253 

by  the  leader  and  members  of  the  party  constituting 
the  majority  of  the  Assembly,  who  had  had  ample 
time  during  years  of  power  to  take  some  measures 
which,  by  reforming  the  administration  of  the  country, 
might  have  altogether  avoided  the  revolution  in 
Greece. 

M.  Rallis,  a  determined  statesman  of  great  ability 
and  experience,  from  the  first  openly  demonstrated  his 
contempt  for  the  submissive  Government  which  was 
formed  under  the  leadership  of  M.  Mavromichalis.  As 
an  alternative  to  the  subservient  Government  of  M. 
Mavromichalis,  as  early  as  October  7th,  M.  Rallis 
advocated  a  Cabinet  d'Affaires,  made  up  of  non-party 
politicians,  and  led  by  General  Zorbas.  Apparently 
with  this  object  in  view,  but  unquestionably  acting  in 
opposition  to  the  Government  in  power,  M.  Rallis 
worked  consistently  throughout  the  autumn  and  early 
winter  of  1909-10.  Owing,  however,  to  the  fact  that  the 
League  was  deficent  in  competent  leaders,  and  as  none 
of  its  members  knew  anything  about  the  afi'airs  of 
state,  these  would-be  reformers  avoided  the  responsi- 
bility of  dispensing  with  the  Chamber,  and  of  governing 
the  country  with  what  would  have  amounted  to  a 
military  dictatorship. 

The  only  other  men  whose  conduct  throughout  the 
movement  deserves  special  mention  are  M.  Dragoumis 
and  Colonel  Koumoundouros .  M.  Dragoumis,  who 
often  held  the  post  of  Foreign  Minister  under  M. 
Tricoupis,  is  at  present  allied  with  no  political  party. 
Colonel  Koumoundouros  and  M.  Dragoumis,  who 
must  strike  anybody  who  meets  him  as  obviously  a 
man  to  lead  a  country  through  a  period  of  adversity, 
and  who  is  one  of  the  most  able,  far-seeing,  and 
honourable  of  Greek  statesmen,  refused  to  attend  the 
Chamber  for  months,  and  consequently  have  not 
registered  their  votes  for  or  against  most  of  the 
measures    which    were    dictated    to    it    by   the   Military 


254         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

League. I  Whatever  might  have  been  the  result  to 
the  country  had  the  majority  of  deputies  followed  the 
example  of  M.  Dragoumis  and  of  Colonel  Koumoun- 
douros,  it  is  impossible  not  to  respect  men  who  openly 
say  that  they  refuse  to  assist  in  furthering  matters 
with  which  they  are  known  to  disagree. 

Almost  immediately  after  the  formation  of  a  Cabinet 
by  M.  Mavromichalis,  the  League  demonstrated  its  want 
of  moderation  by  actually  attempting  to  insist  on  the 
trial  of  certain  officers  who  had  refused  to  break  their 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  King,  and  who  had  been  loath 
to  take  part  in  the  demonstrations  in  favour  of  the 
Military  League.  In  addition,  the  Crown  Prince  and 
Prince  Nicholas,  who  had  actually  requested  to  be 
placed  on  the  unattached  list,  and  Princes  Andrew  and 
Christopher,  who  had  applied  for  long  leave  as  soon 
as  it  was  clear  that  their  privileged  positions  in  the 
Army  were  against  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the 
people,  were  practically  dismissed  from  the  service  by 
a  Bill  which  was  sanctioned  by  the  Chamber  almost 
without  discussion.  By  expelling  the  royal  princes  from 
the  service,  instead  of  allowing  them  to  retire  quietly, 
the  League  inflicted  a  quite  unnecessary  indignity  upon 
his  Majesty  and  upon  the  remainder  of  the  Royal 
Family. 

Although  the  supporters  of  the  League  never  lost 
any  opportunity  of  affirming  that  M.  Mavromichalis 
was  at  the  head  of  a  constitutional  Government,  yet 
his  Excellency  was  on  more  than  one  occasion  com- 
pelled by  General  Zorbas  and  his  companions  to  dis- 
pense with  the  services  of  ministers  who  were  serving 
under  him.  At  the  end  of  December  some  most  in- 
temperate remarks  made  in   Parliament  by  M.  Lapa- 

'  When  I  was  in  Athens  early  in  January,  although  Parliament  had 
only  sat  for  fifty-four  hours,  it  had  passed  over  i6o  laws,  mostly  with- 
out any  discussion  whatever.  On  one  occasion  23  Bills  were  disposed 
of  in  one  hour. 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      255 

thiotis,  then  Minister  of  War,  brought  about  an 
acute  crisis  at  Athens.  In  spite  of  this,  the  offending 
Minister  was  not  removed  from  his  office  as  a  result 
of  his  immoderate  remarks  in  the  Chamber,  but  M. 
Mavromichalis  was  subsequently  ordered  by  General 
Zorbas  to  dispense  with  the  War  Minister's  services 
at  a  moment's  notice  because  he  (the  War  Minister) 
ventured  to  authorise  the  publication  of  an  announce- 
ment concerning  the  promotion  of  certain  officers  at  a 
time  which  the  League  considered  was  unpropitious . 
A  few  days  later,  on  January  i  ith,  the  Mihtary  League, 
not  content  with  the  dismissal  of  the  Minister  of  War, 
actually  sent  representatives  to  the  Chamber  with 
dictatorial  messages  to  the  Prime  Minister  and  to  the 
leaders  of  the  two  opposition  parties  demanding, 
amongst  other  things,  that  Parliament  should  sit 
throughout  the  Christmas  holidays,  and  that  certain 
specific  measures  should  be  immediately  voted.  Not 
many  hours  after  the  Chamber  had  conceded  to  these 
demands  the  hot-headed  officers  of  the  League 
addressed  another  order  to  M.  Mavromichalis,  insisting 
that  for  no  adequate  reason  M.  Triantaphyllakos,  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  should  be  removed  from  the 
Cabinet.  The  Prime  Minister,  having  refused  to  con- 
sent to  the  dismissal  of  his  colleague  without  consulting 
his  supporters,  was  informed  that  the  retirement  of 
the  Minister  of  the  Interior  must  be  effected  within 
twenty -four  hours.  M.  Mavromichalis  then  tendered 
his  resignation  to  the  King,  and  was  only  persuaded  to 
remain  in  office  when  his  Majesty  represented  the 
serious  consequences  which  would  undoubtedly  have 
followed  the  fall  of  the  Ministry  under  such  circum- 
stances. 

In  marked  contrast  to  the  manner  in  which  the 
royal  princes  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  "were 
treated  by  the  League  is  the  lenient  attitude  which 
General  Zorbas  and  his  friends  took  up  towards  Com- 


256         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

mander  Typaldos  and  his  revolutionary  colleagues. 
Commander  Typaldos,  a  young  naval  officer,  who  played 
an  important  role  in  the  formation  of  the  League,  and 
who  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  demonstration  at 
Goudi  on  August  27th,  had  always  been  favourably 
disposed  to  more  extreme  measures  on  the  part  of 
the  League.  It  appears  that  towards  the  end  of  October 
Typaldos  suggested  the  formation  of  a  Government 
possessing  at  least  two  military  members,  and  that 
after  the  rejection  of  this  idea  by  General  Zorbas,  the 
head  of  the  Young  Navy  movement,  who  was  in 
command  of  the  torpedo  flotilla,  formulated  the  idea 
that  the  junior  officers  of  the  Navy  had  resolved  to 
insist  on  the  dismissal  of  a  large  number  of  their 
seniors.  General  Zorbas  agreed  to  lay  the  proposals 
of  Commander  Typaldos  before  the  Government,  which 
in  its  turn  undertook  to  sanction  all  the  more  moderate 
demands  of  the  young  naval  officers,  but  refused  to 
allow  the  reinstatement  of  Sub -Lieutenant  Kokorris,  who 
had  been  guilty  of  gross  insubordination  during  the 
Gr^co -Turkish  War  of    1897. 

Not  content  with  the  concessions  which  had  been 
promised  to  his  party  by  the  members  of  the  Govern- 
ment, Commander  Typaldos  renewed  his  demands  at 
a  subsequent  meeting  of  the  League,  and  finally  resorted 
to  violence  at  Salamis  on  October  29th.  Although  this 
so-called  battle  only  lasted  about  twenty  minutes,  and 
although  only  six  men  perished  in  the  engagement, 
yet,  unless  Typaldos  was  justified  in  his  action  by  some 
circumstance  which  is  unknown  to  the  public,  he 
certainly  ought  not  first  to  have  remained  untried  for 
many  months,  and  then  to  have  been  granted  a  free 
amnesty  for  himself  and  his  supporters.  It  is  rumoured 
that  Typaldos  was  thus  leniently  treated  by  the  Military 
League  because  he  possessed  certain  information  which 
a  high  official  of  the  League  feared  might  become 
public  if  a  trial  were  instituted. 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      257 

Undoubtedly,  during  the  many  months  of  unrest  in 
Greece,  various  reforms  were  introduced  and  a  certain 
number  of  much  needed  measures  were  passed  by  the 
Chamber — measures  which  almost  certainly  would  never 
have  been  sanctioned  by  Parliament,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  military  pressure  which  was  on  more  than  one 
occasion  forcibly  brought  to  bear  upon  the  deputies 
when  they  showed  signs  of  retarding  the  proposals  of 
the  League.  One  of  the  most  important  Bills  passed 
under  the  above  circumstances  is  the  law  which  enlarges 
the  electoral  areas  of  the  country,  and  thus  diminishes 
not  only  the  influence  which  candidates  for  election 
can  bring  to  bear  upon  their  constituents,  but  also 
largely  frees  the  deputies  from  the  constant  pressure 
formerly  exercised  by  their  constituents.  Under  the 
auspices  of  the  League,  too,  regulations  have  been  made 
which  allot  certain  days  for  questions  in  the  Chamber, 
thereby  avoiding  considerable  delay  which  has  often 
occurred  in  administering  the  affairs  of  the  country. 

^Whatever  may  have  been  the  position  of  the  Military 
League  during  the  earlier  days  or  weeks  of  the  move- 
ment, it  is  certain  that  the  Young  Greeks  lost  a 
large  number  of  their  supporters  when  the  populace 
realised  that  many  of  the  reforms  promised  by  the 
leaders  of  the  movement  could  only  be  carried  out  at 
the  cost  of  great  personal  sacrifice  to  th^  entire 
population.  The  power  of  the  League  also  decreased, 
because  the  Greeks,  every  one  of  whom  is  a  politician, 
not  only  when  a  General  Election  is  imminent  but 
throughout  the  year,  expected  a  great  many  things  to 
be  done  in  a  few  weeks  which  could  as  a  fact  only  be 
accomplished  after  a  lapse  of  years.  As  time  wore 
on,  the  breach  between  the  Army  and  the  Navy  became 
wider.  However  far,  too,  Commander  Typaldos  actually 
voiced  the  opinion  of  his  colleagues  in  the  maritime 
service  of  the  Empire,  a  tendency  certainly  increased  in 
the  Navy  after  the  Battle  of  Salamis  to  consider  that 

17 


258  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

this  service  should  be  consulted  before  any  momentous 
decisions  were  arrived  at  concerning,  not  only  the  naval 
programme  but  also  the  political  affairs  of  the  country. 
The  naval  officers  who  were  loyal  to  the  League  con- 
sidered that  Commander  Typaldos  should  have  been 
properly  tried,  whilst  his  supporters  believed  he  should 
have  at  once  been  set  free.  As  I  have  already  said, 
neither  course  was  fearlessly  adopted.  The  military 
chiefs  were  playing  the  part  of  amateur  statesmen 
instead  of  reorganising  the  Army,  whilst  the  regimental 
officers  were  accused  on  the  one  hand  of  meddling  in 
the  politics  of  the  country,  and  on  the  other  of  only 
taking  interest  in  matters  which  pertained  to  the  re- 
organisation of  the  Army.  The  military  zealots  them- 
selves sometimes  changed  their  minds  and  demanded 
the  repeal  of  measures  which  they  had  furiously  thrust 
upon  the  Government  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

When  I  visited  Athens  for  the  second  time  during 
the  crisis,  everything  pointed  to  some  change  in  the 
government  of  the  country.  At  first  M.  Mavromichalis 
had  sympathised  with  the  League.  His  Excellency  even 
informed  me  that  he  thought  by  means  of  the  support 
of  the  League  many  good  laws  had  been  passed  which 
otherwise  would  never  have  been  sanctioned  by  the 
Chamber.  As  the  League  became  more  dictatorial, 
relations  between  its  leaders  and  the  Government 
became  less  cordial,  and  as  time  wore  on  it  was  obvious 
that  a  rupture  must  occur.  Nobody  knew  what  to 
expect  from  day  to  day,  or  in  fact  from  hour  to  hour. 
Everybody  was  anxiously  expectant. 

Owing  to  the  fact  that  the  life  of  the  Chamber  was 
legally  bound  to  come  to  an  end  early  in  April,  191  o, 
the  Military  League,  loath  to  allow  M.  Mavromichalis 
to  remain  in  power  during  the  long  recess  which  was 
rendered  necessary  by  the  attitude  of  the  Cretan 
people,  was  faced  by  one  of  two  courses.  Either  a 
military  dictatorship  could  be  established,  or  a  Ministry 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      259 

composed  of  men  allied  with  no  political  party,  but  in 
general  sympathy  with  the  League,  might  be  nominated. 
If  the  former  alternative  had  been  adopted,  not  only 
would  the  position  of  the  King  as  a  constitutional 
sovereign  have  been  untenable,  but,  owing  to  the  lack 
of  a  strong  man  to  act  as  a  dictator,  such  a  measure 
would   have   been   doomed  to   failure. 

On  January  26th  the  League  decided  to  secure  what 
they  hoped  would  be  a  still  more  subservient  Govern- 
ment than  that  led  by  M .  Mavromichalis .  M .  Venezelos,i 
the  able,  skilful,  and  moderate  Cretan  politician, 
was  therefore  again  asked  to  come  to  the  assistance 
of  the  military  reformers,  and  was  at  the  same  time 
authorised  by  the  League  to  negotiate  terms  with  the 
various  party  leaders.  M.  Venezelos,  who  actually 
belongs  to  an  old  Athenian  family,  and  is,  technically 
speaking,  a  Greek  subject,  consequently  proposed  that  a 
National  Assembly  should  be  convoked  which  would  not 
only  enable  the  League  to  retire  into  the  background,  but 
would  also  possess  the  advantage  of  postponing  the 
danger  of  an  ordinary  General  Election.  The  party 
leaders,  faced  by  the  disastrous  prospects  of  the  con- 
tinued rule  of  the  League,  or  of  summoning  what  was 
under  the  circumstances  a  non-constitutional  assembly, 
finally  decided  to  accept  the  latter  alternative,  and  a 
Cabinet  d'Affaires,  composed  of  many  members  and 
nominees  of  the  League  (General  Zorbas  assumed  the 
duties  of  Minister  of  .War),  was  therefore  formed  under 
the  able  leadership  of  M.  Dragoumis  to  carry  on  the 
government  of  the  country  and  to  make  arrangements 
for  the  meeting  of  the  National  Assembly. 

Although  the  Constitution  of  1864  only  allows  the 
alteration  of  certain  of  its  non -fundamental  provisions, 
after  the  Chamber,  by  two -thirds  the  total  number  of 
deputies    in   two   successive   parliaments,   has   voted   in 

*  Monsieur  Venezelos  had  been  invited  by  the  League  to  come  to 
Athens  in  August,  1909. 


260  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

favour  of  the  convocation  of  a  National  Assembly,  yet, 
faced  by  the  two  alternatives  which  I  have  already 
mentioned,  King  George,  after  due  consideration  and 
consultation  with  the  leading  Athenian  politicians,  finally 
consented  to  what  was  undoubtedly  a  breach  of  the 
existing  Constitution,  and  agreed  to  summon  a  National 
Assembly  provided  the  consent  of  the  then  existing 
Parliament  was  obtained.  As  a  result,  therefore,  of  a 
vote  in  the  Chamber  early  in  March,  1910,  the  King 
read  his  proclamation  to  Parliament  at  its  last  sitting 
on  March  30th,  and  on  the  same  day  the  Military 
League,  in  accordance  with  the  condition  enforced  upon 
the  officers  by  M.  Theotokis,  when  he  agreed  to  the 
convocation  of  a  National  Assembly,  issued  a  manifesto 
to  the  country  practically  stating,  as  its  work  was  now 
complete,  and  as  it  was  necessary  for  the  officers  to 
resume  their  military  duties,  that  the  League  was  dis- 
solved, but  that  nevertheless  the  Army  would  remain 
the  custodian  of  the  national  honour  and  prestige. 

Although  under  ordinary  circumstances  the  proposed 
changes  in  the  Constitution  would  harcfly  have  merited 
the  convocation  of  a  National  Assembly,  which,  as  I 
have  already  said,  was  proposed  by  M.  Venezelos  in 
order  to  avoid  the  danger  of  an  ordinary  General 
Election,  and  at  the  same  time  to  secure  parliamentary 
government  to  the  country,  yet  the  programme  of 
measures  to  be  laid  before  this  body  contains  alterations 
in  the  Constitution  which,  if  sanctioned,  will  doubtless 
be  of  benefit  to  the  country.  The  privileges  of  the 
Crown  are  to  remain  unaltered,  but  considerable  changes 
are  to  be  introduced  in  the  rules  which  govern  the 
conduct  of  the  Chamber.  The  clause  in  the  Constitution 
which  enacts  that  **  the  Chamber  cannot  deliberate  or 
pass  a  resolution  unless  half  plus  one  of  its  members 
is  present  *'  is  to  be  changed,  and  in  future  a  legal 
quorum  is  to  consist  of  one -third  of  the  total  number 
of  Members  of  Parliament.     The  advent  of  this  change 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      261 

will  greatly  facilitate  the  business  of  the  House,  and 
will  render  the  Government  in  power  much  more 
independent  than  it  has  been  in  the  past.  Regulations 
are  to  be  passed  forbidding  officers  of  the  Army  and 
the  Navy  to  become  parliamentary  candidates,  and 
depriving  soldiers  of  the  right  to  vote  during  their 
period  of  military  service.  Public  officials  are  to  be 
guaranteed  against  the  danger  of  being  removed  from 
their  offices  as  each  fresh  political  party  takes  over 
the  reins  of  government. 

During  the  summer  of  1910  Greek  statesmen  and 
politicians  were  occupied  in  making  preparations  for 
the  elections  to  the  National  Assembly.  These 
elections,  which  were  carried  out  in  the  new  electoral 
areas  on  August  21st,  resulted  in  the  return  of  358 
deputies.  Out  of  this  total,  the  combined  Theotokis- 
Rallis  party  possessed  190  representatives,  whilst  of 
the  remainder,  80  deputies  were  members  of  the  so- 
called  Independent  party,  between  35  and  40  were 
Socialists,  and  45  belonged  to  the  Thessalian  Agrarian 
party,  who  have  as  the  chief  plank  of  their  programme 
the  adoption  of  measures  which  will  be  favourable  to 
the  tenant  rather  than  the  landed  proprietor  in  Thessaly. 
Five  Cretans  were  elected  as  deputies.  .Whilst  two  of 
these,  M.  Venezelos  and  M.  Pologeorges,  who  are 
technically  Greek  subjects,  accepted  their  seats  in  the 
Chamber,  the  remaining  three,  largely  in  order  to  avoid 
external  complications,  refused  to  accept  the  mandate 
of  their  constituencies. 

The  National  Assembly  was  opened  by  King  George, 
accompanied  by  the  Crown  Prince  Constantine,  on 
September  14th.  Immediately  after  the  meeting  of 
the  Chamber  the  question  was  raised  as  to  whether 
the  National  Assembly  was  to  be  a  constituent  or  a 
revisionist  Assembly.  Subsequently  the  party  in  favour 
of  a  revisionist  Assembly  secured  a  small  majority  in 
the    Chamber,    largely   owing    to    the    support    of    M. 


262  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Venezelos,  who  was  in  favour  of  this  course,  not  only 
on  account  of  the  dangers  which  would  be  connected 
with  the  creation  of  a  constituent  Assembly,  but  also 
because  he  (M.  Venezelos)  in  originally  suggesting  a 
National  Assembly,  had  promised  the  King,  in  the  name 
of  the  Military  League,  that  the  National  Assembly 
should  only  revise  the  non-fundamental  clauses  of  the 
Constitution. 

When  the  National  Assembly  had  been  open  for 
a  month — about  the  middle  of  October—  M.  Dragoumis 
tendered  his  resignation  to  the  King,  who  after  some 
consideration  asked  M.  Venezelos  to  form  a  Ministry. 
The  task  which  this  renowned  Cretan  leader  decided 
to  undertake  was  far  from  an  easy  one.  Not  only 
was  M.  Venezelos  encountered  by  the  difficulty  of  carry- 
ing on  the  Government  with  a  personal  following  of 
only  about  eighty  deputies,  but  in  view  of  the  manner 
in  which  his  nomination  to  office  was  received  in  Con- 
stantinople, the  new  Prime  Minister  was  faced  by  the 
ever-increasing  difficulties  of  the  external  situation. 
After  M.  Venezelos,  who  occupied  the  position  of 
Minister  of  War  and  of  Marine  in  his  own  Cabinet,  had 
been  in  power  but  a  week,  he  was  left  without  a  quorum 
in  the  Chamber  at  a  moment  when  a  vote  of  confidence 
in  the  Government  was  necessary.  As  a  result  of  this 
crisis,  which  occurred  owing  to  the  action  of  the  party 
leaders  and  of  their  supporters,  who  abstained  from 
voting,  the  resignation  of  the  Government  was  tendered 
by  M.  Venezelos  to  King  George,  who  refused  to  accept 
it.  Subsequently  M.  Venezelos  actually  secured  a 
majority  in  the  Chamber  on  October  25th.  In  spite 
of  this  majority,  as  the  support  of  many  of  those  who, 
voted  for  the  Government  on  this  occasion  could  not 
be  counted  upon  in  the  future,  the  King,  on  the  advice 
of  M.  Venezelos,  decided  to  dissolve  the  Assembly.  On 
October  25th,  therefore,  a  Royal  Decree  was  published 
at  Athens  dissolving  the  Revisionary  Chamber  and  fixing 


THE  MILITARY  REVOLUTION  IN  GREECE      263 

December  i  ith  as  the  date  for  the  elections  for  a  new 
Revisionary  Chamber,  which  is  to  meet  on  January  2ist, 
191  I.I 

Although  at  the  time  of  completing  these  few  pages, 
in  which  I  have  endeavoured  to  give  my  readers  some 
idea  of  the  military  revolution  in  Greece,  the  turn  which 
future  events  are  likely  to  take  is  far  from  clear,  yet 
it  seems  probable  that  M.  Venezelos,  acting  in  con- 
junction with  the  King,  will  be  able  to  vanquish  the 
forces  of  reaction.  Not  only  does  M.  Venezelos  seem 
to  be  supported  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  population 
of  Greece,  but  he  appears,  by  his  moderation  and  by 
his  wisdom,  to  have  gained  the  confidence  of  King 
George.  As  a  result,  whatever  may  have  been  his 
original  attitude  towards  the  League,  his  Majesty  now 
seems  determined  to  use  his  influence  in  favour  of  the 
reform  movement  in  order  to  effect  the  downfall  of  the 
party  leaders  for  the  good  of  the  country  in  general. 

•Whether  or  not  the  League  has  been  of  service  to 
the  country,  and  whether  or  not  the  military  revolution 
which  began  in  Greece  in  August,  1909,  has  been 
adroitly  and  cleverly  conducted,  are  questions  of 
opinion,  and  matters  which  only  time  can  really  prove. 
However  these  things  may  be,  and  whatever  may  be  the 
future  effect  of  the  movement,  it  is  quite  impossible 
for  any  fair-minded  man  to  withhold  his  sympathy, 
from  a  people  who  have  been  subject  to  a  corrupt 
government  for  years,  and  whose  leaders,  when  oppor- 
tunities presented  themselves,  have  neglected  to  realise 
the  greatest  of  Hellenic  national  aspirations — an  aspira- 
tion for  which  the  country  foolishly  embarked  upon 
a  war  when  no  favourable  opportunity  presented  itself 
— an  ideal  for  which  the  people  have  lived  for  many 
a  decade. 

^  Although  at  these  elections  M.  Venezelos  certainly  secured  a  large 
majority,  the  exact  number  of  his  supporters  will  be  uncertain  until 
he  election  of  the  President  of  the  Chamber. 


X 

THE  GREEK  ARMY  AND  THE  CRETAN   MILITIA 

Terms  of  service  in,  and  organisation  of,  the  Greek  Army  prior  to  1909 
— Re-organisation  scheme  proposed  by  the  Military  League — 
Officers  of  the  Greek  Army — The  Greek  Navy — The  Cretan 
Gendarmerie — The  Cretan  Mihtia — The  discipHne  of  the  Cretan 
troops. 

I  AM  not  prompted  by  any  political  reasons  or  pro- 
Greek  sentiments  to  collect  my  accounts  of  the  Greek 
Army  and  of  the  Cretan  troops  in  the  same  chapter 
of  this  bookff;  I  do  so  simply  as  a  matter  of  convenience, 
and  because  after  my  visit  to  Crete  I  felt  the  military 
forces  of  the  Island  were  so  thoroughly  Hellenic,  that 
they  might  well  be  considered  in  the  same  atmosphere 
as  the  Army  of  King  George. 

The  Greek  Army. 

Since  the  year  1867,  when  a  law  was  passed 
enforcing  imiversal  service,  various  measures  have  been 
introduced  dealing  with  the  liability  to  and  duration 
of  military  training  in  Greece.  Under  the  old  organisa- 
tion (prior  to  1909)  military  service  was  nominally 
compulsory  and  universal.  Liability  to  serve  began 
at  twenty-one  and  lasted  for  thirty  years.  A  large 
number  of  exemptions  were,  however,  made,  many  of 
these  being  conditional  upon  the  payment  of  a  military 
tax.  In  addition  as  a  fact  many  conscripts  did  not 
finish  their  full  period  of  colour  service,  in  order  that 
the  money  thus  saved  might  be  devoted  to  the  training 
of  men  in  excess  of  the  annual  contingent  of  recruits. 
For  a  like  reason  during  the  harvest  the  Minister  of 
War  was  authorised  to  grant  furloughs  up  to  half  the 
strength  of  the  Arm,y. 

264 


THE  GREEK  ARMY  AND  CRETAN  MILITIA    266 

For  some  time  prior  to  1909  the  Army  of  Greece 
has  been  nominally  undergoing  a  process  of  reorganisa- 
tion. A  law  was  passed  in  1904  under  which  the 
Army  was  to  be  remodelled.  By  this  statute,  which  was 
laid  on  one  side  in  1906,  it  was  arranged  amongst 
other  changes  that  the  number  of  men  actually  with  the 
colours  was  to  vary  at  different  seasons  of  the  year, 
and  the  money  thus  saved  was  to  be  expended  in  pro- 
viding a  larger  number  of  trained  men  in  case  of 
necessity.  Subsequent  to  1906,  it  was  not  until  the 
advent  of  the  Military  League,  in  August,  1909,  that 
any  endeavours  were  made  to  introduce  reforms  into 
the  fighting  forces  of  the  country. 

Formerly  the  Greek  Army  was  made  up  of  three  divi- 
sions, with  headquarters  respectively  at  Athens,  Larissa, 
and  Missolonghi.     Each  division  was  composed  of— 

1.  Two  Infantry  brigades,  each  of  two  regiments. 

2.  A  regiment  of  Artillery  of  six  batteries. 

3.  A  regiment  of  Cavalry  of  six  squadrons. 

4.  One  brigade  of  Engineers. 

5.  Two  battalions  of  Evzones    (Light   Infantry). 
Whilst  a  regiment  of  Infantry  was  made  up  of  three 
battalions  each  of  four  companies,  there  were  six  Krupp 
guns  and  nine  wagons  in  each  battery  of  Artillery. 

Under  this  organisation  it  appears  that  any  batteries 
of  mountain  artillery  which  existed  were  extra-divi- 
sional. The  Army  then  possessed  a  peace  strength  of 
nearly  33,000  men,  and  the  numbers  actually  available 
for   war  could  not  have  exceeded   70,000  all  told. 

As  I  said  before,  the  reorganisation  of  the  Army  had 
been  considered  before  the  Military  League  came  into 
existence,  but  few  endeavours  had  really  been  made 
to  put  these  good  intentions  into  execution.  By  the 
new  recruiting  regulations  every  able-bodied  Greek  has 
now  to  enter  the  Army.  The  law  embodying  the  new 
organisation,  of  which  I  propose  to  give  a  brief  out- 
line,   had  not   actually   been   passed   by   the   Chamber 


266  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

when  I  left  Athens,  but  was  sanctioned  before  the  dis- 
solution  of  the   Chamber  in  the  spring  of    1910, 

According  to  this  new  law  the  military  service  of 
a  Greek  is  divided  as  follows  :  At  the  age  of  nineteen 
a  recruit  joins  the  Army.  A  conscript  is  in  future  to 
spend  two  years  with  the  colours,  after  which  he  will 
enter  the  reserve  of  the  active  Army,  where  he  will 
remain  for  twelve  years  in  the  first  ban  and  seven 
years  in  the  second  ban.  After  being  twenty-one  years 
in  the  active  Army  the  Greek  will  pass  through  the 
two  bans  of  the  Territorial  forces,  in  each  of  which 
he  will  spend  seven  years.  There  is  a  scheme  to 
modify  the  above  regulations  to  some  extent  by  allow- 
ing recruits  who  produce  a  certificate  as  to  various 
degrees  of  efficiency  only  to  serve  six,  twelve,  or 
eighteen  months  with  the  colours.  Although  from  a 
financial  point  of  view  it  is  apparent  that  some  method 
of  this  kind  must  be  found  if  the  system  of  drawing 
lots  is  to  be  abolished,  yet  the  authorities  consider  that 
before  any  modification  can  be  introduced,  many 
difficulties  will  have  to  be  overcome  in  order  to  in- 
stitute a  satisfactory  system  of  preliminary  training,  and 
to  make  certain  that  the  certificates  thus  obtained  really 
guarantee  that  their  owners  have  attained  some  degree 
of  efficiency. 

Under  the  new  organisation  the  following  will  be  the 
composition  of  the  Greek  Army  : 

Three  divisions,  each  with  headquarters  at  the  same 
towns  as  formerly.  Each  division  will,  however,  be 
composed  of — 

1.  Three  Infantry  brigades,  each  of  two  regiments. 

2.  One   regiment   of  Artillery. 

3.  One    battalion    of   Mountain   Artillery. 

4.  Three  battalions  of  Evzones   (Light  Infantry). 

5.  One  regiment  and  two  squadrons  of  Cavalry. 

6.  One  battalion  of  Engineers. 

7.  Details. 


•,  .  •. 


5     5        5'     5       ,'3 


THE  GREEK  ARMY  AND  CRETAN  MILITIA    267 

In  war  these  three  divisions  are  supposed  to  expand 
to  six,  and  consequently  would  form  three  Army  Corps. 
The  Greek  authorities  confidently  state  that  after  the 
reorganisation  has  been  completed  they  will  be  able 
to  place  200,000  men  in  the  field  almost  at  a  moment's 
notice.  Time  alone  will  prove  whether  this  ideal  can 
be  realised  or  not. 

Every  regiment  of  infantry  is  to  consist  of  three 
or  four  battalions  in  case  of  war.  A  battalion  possesses 
four  companies,  each  with  an  approximate  peace 
strength  of  sixty  men  and  a  war  establishment  of  220 
men.  The  infantry  are  armed  with  the  Mannlicher- 
Schonauer  rifle  of  the  1903  pattern,  of  which  weapons 
there  are  about  120,000  in  the  country.  The  Greeks 
are  making  great  endeavours  to  make  up  for  lost  time, 
and  the  men  are  being  steadily  drilled  and  are  carrying 
out  firing  practices  on  the  ranges.  From  the  oppor- 
tunities which  were  aff'orded  to  me  during  my  stay 
in  Athens,  it  appeared  to  me  that  the  non-commissioned 
ofiicers  were,  relatively  speaking,  less  efficient  than  their 
men.  The  barrack-rooms,  each  of  which  is  capable  of 
accommodating  a  company,  are  clean  and  orderly. 

A  regiment  of  artillery  contains  nine  batteries,  each 
composed  of  four  guns.  Sufficient  new  Schneider-Canet 
guns,  of  7.5  cm.  callibre,  have  been  delivered  in  Greece 
to  rearm  thirty-six  field  batteries.  It  seems  doubtful 
whether  twelve  of  these  batteries  will  be  allotted  to 
each  infantry  division,  or  whether  nine  batteries  will 
be  retained  to  form  a  separate  force  of  artillery.  New 
barracks  have  been  constructed  at  Athens  to  provide 
accommodation  for  the  twelve  batteries  which,  at  any  rate 
provisionally,  will  be  allotted  to  the  Athenian  division. 

The  mountain  artillery  is  to  be  organised  in  three 
battalions.  Each  battalion  will  contain  six  batteries, 
composed  of  six  7.5  cm.  Schneider-Canet  guns,  pro- 
vided with  a  special  barrel  invented  by  a  Greek  officer. 
In  war  a  mountain  battery  will  be  made  up  of  nearly 


268  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

200  men  and  about  150  mules,  whilst  in  peace  it  will 
only  possess  about  60  or  70  men.  At  the  present 
moment  sufficient  guns  to  arm  six  mountain  batteries 
have  actually  been  delivered  in  Greece.  Owing  to  the 
courtesy  of  Colonel  Constantanedes,  who  was  Minister 
of  War  at  the  time  of  my  visit  to  Athens,  I  was  enabled 
to  inspect  the  men  of  both  field  and  mountain  batteries 
who  were  busily  occupied  in  training.  The  drill  and 
manner  of  carrying  out  the  exercises  appeared  to  be  good. 
The  heavy  batteries  of  the  Greek  Army  consist  of  : 
One  battery  of  17  cm.  guns. 

ff  if  >*        I  5       »  }f 

>y  >y  }}       ^^  5  3i 

Two  batteries  of  howitzers. 

It  is  said  that  these  batteries,  which  do  not  form 
part  of  the  divisional  organisation,  and  which,  in  order 
to  effect  economies  during  recent  years,  have  been 
without  either  horses  or  men,  are  now  to  be  rehorsed 
and  remanned. 

A  regiment  of  cavalry  is  composed  of  six  squadrons, 
each  made  up  of  about  105  men.  The  cavalry  is 
armed  with  the  Mannlicher-Schonauer  carbine  of  the 
same  model  as  that  used  by  the  infantry.  The  country 
is  said  to  possess  about  30,000  of  these  weapons. 
Although  the  horses  for  the  cavalry,  which  are  for  the 
most  part  purchased  in  Hungary,  appear  to  be  in 
fairly  good  condition,  yet  there  are  not  nearly  enough 
animals  to  horse  all  the  batteries  of  artillery  as  well 
as  to  provide  mounts  for  all  the  cavalry,  in  case  of 
mobilisation  for  war. 

The  military  transport  is  in  bad  condition,  but  a 
law  has  recently  been  passed  enabling  the  Government 
to  impress  all  horses,  wagons,  and  carts  in  case  of 
necessity.  Each  division  possesses  one  company  of 
the  Army  Medical  Corps.  In  addition  to  six  second- 
class  hospitals,  there  are  four  military  hospitals  of  the 
first-class,  two  at  Athens  and  one  at  each  of  the  head- 


THE  GREEK  ARMY  AND  CRETAN  MILITIA    269 

quarters  of  the  other  divisions.  The  hospital  which  I 
visited  at  Athens,  and  which  contains  about  i  5  o  beds, 
was  in  excellent  order.  It  is  under  the  charge  of  an 
English  matron,  assisted  by  two  or  three  English  sisters. 

The  manner  in  which  officers  are  at  present  re- 
cruited for  the  Army  seems  to  leave  much  to  be  desired. 
The  commissioned  ranks  are  filled  by  young  men  who 
have  passed  through  the  Military  School  at  Athens, 
and  in  certain  cases  by  those  who  are  promoted  from 
the  non-commissioned  ranks.  All  officers  for  the  cavalry 
and  artillery  and  engineers  are  obliged  to  pass  through 
a  five  years'  course  at  the  Military  School,  which  usually 
contains  about  seventy  cadets,  and  which  is  entered 
by  boys  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  eighteen 
after  passing  an  examination.  Many  of  the  present-day 
infantry  officers  have  been  promoted  from  the  ranks 
after  a  course  at  the  school  for  non-commissioned 
officers.  This  school,  which  is  in  the  same  building 
and  under  the  same  control  as  that  for  the  military 
cadets,  accommodates  140  students,  who  are  not  allowed 
to  enter  this  establishment  until  they  have  served  three 
years  in  the  Army.  After  their  course  of  three  years' 
instruction  these  men  become  second  lieutenants.  It  is 
obvious  that  a  dual  system  of  obtaining  officers  for  any 
army  is  undesirable  ;  but  it  is  specially  undesirable  in 
a  small  country  which  possesses  many  rich  men.  As 
a  cadet  is  obliged  to  pay  about  £40  per  year  to  cover 
the  cost  of  instruction  at  the  Military  School  and  also 
to  be  provided  with  a  private  allowance  in  order  to 
enable  him  to  live,  it  is  probable  that  the  officers  thus 
recruited  are  entirely  drawn  from  the  richer  branches 
of  society,  and  it  is  consequently  apparent  that  there 
will  always  be  a  tendency  to  maintain  a  difference 
between  the  officers  obtained  by  the  two  systems. 

However  patriotic  may  have  been  the  motives  which 
inspired  a.  large  number  of  Greek  officers  to  bring 
about  the  military  revolution  in  Greece,  it  is  safe  to 


270  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

assert  that  the  efficiency  of  the  gentlemen  who  fill  the 
commissioned  ranks  of  the  Greek  Army  leaves  much 
to  be  desired.  The  officers  are  certainly  less  efficient 
than  those  over  whom  they  are  placed.  From  early 
morning  till  late  at  night  the  streets  and  cafds  of  Athens 
are  filled  with  officers  chatting  to  one  another  instead 
of  perfecting  their  knowledge  of  the  science  of  war 
by  which  alone  victories  could  be  achieved  should  the 
misfortune  of  hostilities  overtake  the  country.  Whilst 
in  Athens  I  was  afforded  a  striking  opportunity  of 
witnessing  the  manner  in  which  Greek  officers  carry 
out  their  every-day  duties.  On  the  occasion  of  the  fire 
at  the  royal  palace  soldiers  were  occupied  in  carrying 
earth  in  their  great -coats  from  the  palace  garden  to 
keep  the  fire  in  check.  Throughout  the  evening  and 
far  into  the  night  the  work  was  admirably  carried  out 
by  the  men — almost  uncontrolled  and  unaccompanied 
by  their  officers,  who  appeared  to  prefer  to  form  little 
groups  and  play  the  role  of  interested  spectators  rather 
than  to  assist  in  checking  what  was  to  the  country  a 
national  calamity. 

One  of  the  greatest  difficulties  to  be  surmounted  by 
the  Greek  authorities  before  the  Army  can  be  effec- 
tively increased  is  to  obtain  a  sufficient  supply  of  reserve 
officers.  The  reserve  of  officers  is  recruited  from 
gentlemen  who — 

1.  Have  attained  the  age  limit,  and  have  therefore 
retired  from  the  active  list. 

2.  Have  retired  from  the  Army  under  ordinary 
circumstances. 

3.  Have  passed  through  the  school  for  reserve  officers 
at  Corfu,  and  then  served  for  a  year  in  a  regiment. 

Prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the  revolution  in  Greece, 
the  office  of  Minister  of  War  was  a  political  appoint- 
ment. At  that  time  it  was  decided  that  this  post  was 
in  future  to  be  held  by  a  military  officer,  who  need 
not,  of  necessity,  be  a  member  of  the  Chamber.     As 


THE  GREEK  ARMY  AND  CRETAN  MILITIA    271 

a  result  of  this  decision,  both  in  the  Cabinets  of  M. 
Mavromichalis  and  of  M.  Dragoumis,  the  Minister  of 
War  was  a  soldier.  After  the  meeting  of  the  first 
National  Assembly,  however,  and  subsequent  to  the 
resignation  of  M.  Dragoumis,  M.  Venezelos  undertook 
the  duties  of  Minister  of  War  and  of  Marine  in  addition 
to  being  Prime  Minister.  Prior  to  the  advent  of  the 
Military  League  the  active  Army  was  under  a  single 
Commander-in-Chief,  who  was  appointed  by  a  law 
passed  in  1900.  The  post,  as  I  have  said  elsewhere, 
was  occupied  by  the  Crown  Prince  Constantine,  who  as 
Inspector-General  of  the  Army  was  not  only  charged 
with  the  responsibility  of  inspecting  the  whole  Army 
once  a  year,  but  also  possessed  authority  over  practi- 
cally all  branches  of  the  military  forces  of  the  country. 
Since  the  abolition  of  the  post  of  Commander-in-Chief 
it  seems  uncertain  who  has  really  taken  over  his  duties. 
It  has  been  arranged  that  a  Council  of  War,  made  up 
of  the  three  generals  commanding  divisions,  should 
meet  to  discuss  certain  military  affairs,  and  it  is  said 
that  in  case  of  war  the  senior  of  these  three  generals 
would   assume   supreme   command  of   the   Army. 

The  manner  in  which  officers  are  to  be  obtained  for 
the  general  staff  is  at  present  under  consideration. 
There  is  no  Greek  **  Staff  "  College  from  which  suitable 
candidates  can  be  obtained,  and,  therefore,  the  proposed 
scheme  is  that  after  passing  an  examination  in  Athens, 
about  thirty  officers  shall  annually  be  granted  leave 
to  proceed  abroad.  If  these  men  pass  their  final 
examinations  at  a  foreign  Military  School,  they  will 
be  eligible  for  the  Greek  general  staff. 

To  assist  in  the  reorganisation  of  the  Greek  Army, 
the  services  of  eleven  French  officers  have  been  secured. 
These  gentlemen,  three  of  whom  belong  to  the  French 
General  Staff,  will  probably  have  arrived  in  Athens 
before  this  book  is  published.  In  spite  of  his  treatment 
by  the  Military  League,  it  is  said  that  the  Crown  Prince 
Constantine  will  preside  over  this  committee  of  reform. 


272         THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

It  is  impossible,  without  accompanying  an  army  into 
the  field,  to  form  any  reliable  estimate  as  to  its  real 
value  as  a  fighting  machine.  The  physique  of  the 
Greek  soldier  is  good,  his  appearance  is  smart,  and 
he  possesses  the  national  faculty  of  being  able  to 
assimilate  rapidly  what  it  is  necessary  for  him  to  learn. 
The  unbiassed  observer  who  knows  the  history  of  the 
Graeco-Turkish  War,  and  who  has  already  heard  some 
detailed  account  of  the  Hellenic  Army,  cannot  fail  to 
be  pleasantly  surprised  by  the  appearance  of  the  men, 
by  the  manner  in  which  drill  movements  are  carried 
out,  and  by  the  condition  of  the  barracks. 

Although,  undoubtedly,  the  Greek  Army  would  be 
no  match  for  the  Turkish  fighting -machine,  and 
although  the  Ottoman  forces  could  certainly  rapidly 
swarm  across  the  Greek  frontier,  it  seems  probable 
that  the  task  which  they  would  be  obliged  to  encounter 
would  not  be  as  easily  accomplished  as  it  was  in  1897. 
Moreover,  in  1897  the  Greeks  of  Macedonia  were  but 
little  prepared  to  play  their  role  in  the  war  between 
the  country  in  which  they  lived  and  that  to  which 
their  sympathies  were  extended.  Although  since  the 
advent  of  the  Constitution  in  Turkey  but  few  bands 
have  ravaged  the  mountain  valleys  and  rugged  hilltops 
of  Macedonia,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Greek 
political  (revolutionary)  organisations  probably  still  exist 
in  the  European  Provinces  of  the  Sultan,  and  that  their 
members  would  only  be  too  pleased  to  do  their  utmost  to 
forward  what  is  to  them  the  great  cause  of  Hellenism. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  Colonel  Lapathiotes 
(then  Minister  of  War)  informed  the  Greek  Chamber  in 
October,  1909,  that  under  the  new  scheme  the  strength 
of  the  active  Army  would  be  increased  to  216,000,  and 
further  that,  including  the  reserves  and  the  National 
Guard,  the  country  would  be  able  to  rely  upon  the 
services  of  450,000  men,  yet  it  seems  hardly  possible  that 
Greece  can  or  even  could  in  the  near  future  count  upon 
the  services  of  so  large  a  force  in  case  of  war.    The  most 


THE  GREEK  ARMY  AND   CRETAN  MILITIA    273 

important  advantages  gained  by  the  reorganisation  will 
be  the  increase  in  size  and  efficiency  of  the  cadres  and 
the  steps  which  will  be  taken  to  ensure  the  more 
thorough  training  of  the  reserves.  In  order  to  bring 
about  these  and  the  other  proposed  changes  it  will 
be  necessary  to  augment  the  annual  military  expendi- 
ture of  the  last  few  years,  which  amounted  to  about 
£650,000,  to  about  £975,000.  This  extra  expense 
must  prove  a  considerable  burden  to  the  taxpayers  of 
Greece.  Already,  before  the  reorganisation  had  been 
commenced,  the  civilian  element  of  the  public  com- 
plained that  it  was  unnecessary  to  spend  money  upon 
forming  cadres  for  the  reserve  regiments  of  the  Army 
during  peace  time,  when  these  things  could  be  done 
after  war  had  broken  out  1 

According,  too,  to  the  programme  formulated  in  the 
manifesto  issued  by  the  League  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
revolution,  the  Government  was  asked  to  acquire  a 
warship  of  over  10,000  tons,  besides  eight  destroyers. 
Arrangements  were  made  during  the  winter  of  1909-10 
for  the  purchase  of  a  ship  of  just  over  10,000  tons 
from  Messrs.  Orlando  &  Company,  of  Livomo  in  Italy. 
This  ship  is  the  George^  Averoff,  which  is  a  medium- 
sized  armoured  cruiser  very  similar  to  the  Italian 
cruiser  Pisa  (laid  down  in  1904)  but  slightly  smaller, 
slower,  and  less  heavily  armed.  A  new  ship  of  this 
type,  with  a  life  of  twenty -five  years  in  her,  will 
probably  cost  about  £700,000.  Although  this  sum 
has  been  in  part  provided  by  a  legacy  of  £300,000  be- 
queathed by  M.  Averoff,  a  rich  Greek,  yet  the  balance 
will  have  to  be  supplied  from  a  loan.  The  Geafge 
Averoff  was  launched  on  March  loth,  1910.  This 
addition  to  the  Greek  Navy,  which  at  present  consists 
of  three  small  battleships  and  some  destroyers,  would 
certainly  have  rendered  the  maritime  forces  of  Greece 
superior  to  those  of  Turkey  had  not  the  Ottoman 
Government  purchased  two  battleships  from  Germany. 
These    two    ships,    which    have    already    reached    the 

18 


274         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Bosphorus,  are,  however,  probably  in  themselves  a  match 
for  the  whole  Greek  fleet,  even  with  the  addition  of  the 
George  Aver  offy-wh^n  she  actually  arrives  in  Greek  waters. 
Owing  to  the  exposed  state  of  the  Greek  frontier,  if 
the  country  is  to  rely  on  defensive  measures  at  all  it 
is  undoubtedly  necessary  to  maintain  a  serviceable,  even 
if  only  a  small,  Army.  Assuming,  therefore,  that  it  is 
advisable  for  the  Greek  Government  to  increase  its 
military  Budget  so  largely,  it  is  obvious  that  Turkey  is 
in  a  position  to  move  four  or  five  steps  forward  towards 
perfecting  her  Navy  while  Greece  can  only  afford  to 
take  one.  Although  undoubtedly  it  would  be  an 
advantage  to  the  people  of  Greece,  who  not  only  possess 
so  many  compatriots  domiciled  in  the  islands  of  the 
-<^gean,  but  who  are  also  face  to  face  with  the  com- 
plications which  surround  the  Cretan  Question,  to  be 
able  to  maintain  an  efficient  Navy,  yet  as  they  can 
never  hope  to  be  in  a  position  to  force  the  Dardanelles, 
it  will  be  wiser  for  them  to  realise  that  they  only  require 
a  fleet  sufficiently  powerful  to  render  it  dangerous  for 
the  Turks  to  attempt  any  aggressive  naval  action,  or 
to  endeavour  to  land  troops  on  the  coast  of  Greece.  To 
continue  in  the  course  of  endeavouring  to  provide  the 
necessary  funds  for  an  efficient  Army  and  an  effective 
Navy  must  either  reduce  the  country  almost,  if  not 
quite,  to  a  state  of  bankruptcy,  or  it  must  bring  on  a 
disastrous  war  to  gratify  the  minds  of  the  people,  who 
would  be  compelled  to  submit  to  taxes  in  order  to 
support  preparations  the  object  of  which  they  were 
unable  to  discern. 

The  Military  Forces  of  Crete. 

Until  the  year  1898  Turkish  troops  formed  the  garri- 
son of  Crete.  It  was  in  that  year,  as  I  have  explained 
elsewhere,  that  the  four  Protecting  Powers  occupied 
the  Island  with  military  detachments.  During  the 
international  occupation  of  the  Island,  which  lasted  about 
eleven  years,  national  troops  have  been  gradually  formed. 


<  <'  i*     ' 


THE  GREEK  ARMY  AND  CRETAN  MILITIA    275 

The  Cretan  military  forces  are  now  made  up  of 
the  gendarmerie  and  the  militia.  The  gendarmerie 
was  first  organised  under  Italian  officers  in  1899,  soon 
after  Prince  George  had  been  nominated  as  High  Com- 
missioner of  the  Island.  However,  in  December,  1906, 
after  M.  Zaimis  had  assumed  the  duties  of  High  Com- 
missioner, these  Italian  officers  were  withdrawn,  and 
eight  Greek  officers  took  over  the  control  of  the 
gendarmerie.  These  eight  gentlemen  were  soon  joined 
by  four  more  compatriots,  and  the  gendarmerie  was  at 
the  same  time  reorganised.  At  the  present  moment 
there  are,  in  addition  to  these  twelve  Greek  officers, 
twenty-nine  Cretan  officers  who  have  been  promoted 
from  the  ranks  after  passing  an  examination. 

The  strength  of  the  gendarmerie  in  the  Island  is 
now  about  1,200  of  all  ranks.  Out  of  this  total,  forty- 
eight  men  who  are  mounted  are  utilised  for  escort  duty 
when  required.  The  remainder  of  the  force  is  divided 
into  five  companies,  with  headquarters  at  the  most 
important  towns  in  the  Island.  The  physique  of  the 
men  composing  the  gendarmerie  is  excellent.  A  Cretan 
who  remains  in  this  force  for  a  period  varying  in 
length  from  three  to  five  years,  on  first  joining  the 
gendarmerie  actually  spends  three  months  at  a  training 
establishment  at  Canea.  The  course  at  this  school  is 
divided  into  practical  and  theoretical  instruction.  The 
gendarmes,  who  are  very  intelligent  people,  often  speak 
at  least  one  foreign  language.  One  or  two  of  these  men 
who  remained  in  the  fort  at  Canea  after  it  was  occupied 
by  the  landing  parties  from  the  international  fleet  in 
August,  1909,  not  only  worked  with,  but  appeared  very 
soon  to  understand,  the  language  of  the  foreign  sailors. 

The  militia  is  composed  of  two  battalions,  one  with 
headquarters  at  Canea,  the  other  at  Candia.  This  force 
has  been  most  efficiently  organised  since  1907,  by  Greek 
officers  "seconded"  from  the  Hellenic  Army.  The 
Greek  officers,  who  number  about  twenty-six,  are 
assisted  by  about  fifty  Greek  non-commissioned  officers. 


276         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

All  male  Cretans  are  liable  to  service  in  the  militia 
between  the  ages  of  twenty-one  and  thirty.  About 
6,000  young  men  reach  the  age  of  twenty-one  every 
year.  The  actual  period  of  colour  service  lasts  a  year, 
but  a  man  can  be  called  out  for  any  period  indefinite 
in  length  (during  his  liability  to  service),  should  the 
circumstances   necessitate  such  a  step  being  taken. 

A  battalion,  which  nominally  consists  of  500  men, 
is  divided  into  five  companies.  The  training  of  each 
company  is  carried  out  by  two  Greek  officers.  When 
I  visited  Crete  in  1909  I  found  that  battalions  were 
above  strength,  because  men  had  been  retained  with 
the  colours  beyond  their  period  of  ordinary  training. 
The  battalion  which  has  its  headquarters  at  Canea  had 
actually  attained  a  strength  of  950  of  all  ranks,  whilst 
at  the  same  time  the  Candia  battalion  was  nearly  700 
strong.  As  it  is  impossible  for  obvious  reasons  to 
increase  the  number  of  Greek  officers,  the  work  of 
these  gentlemen  has  been  so  magnified  that  recently 
it  has  been  very  difficult  for  them  to  carry  out  their 
duties  efficiently. 

The  militia  is  armed  with  the  Mannlicher-Steyr  rifle 
of  the  1907  pattern.  It  is  said  that  there  are  7,000 
of  these  weapons  in  the  Island.  (In  addition,  every 
peasant  has  his  own  rifle  or  revolver.)  The  rifle,  which 
is  sighted  up  to  2,000  metres,  is  reported  to  have 
beaten  the  rifles  of  all  the  European  contingents 
(stationed  in  Crete)  in  a  competition  which  was  held 
in  1908.  The  militiamen  are  taught  to  look  after 
their  arms  well,  and  those  which  I  inspected  were  in 
excellent  condition.  I  understand  that  the  Cretan 
Government  possesses  about  3,000,000  rounds  of 
ammunition  for  these  rifles .  The  ordinary  uniform  worn 
by  the  militia  is  khaki  drill  jacket  and  trousers,  with 
knee  boots  and  a  peaked  cap.  Mohammedan  recruits, 
of  whom  there  are  no  large  number,  mix  in  every  way 
with  their  Christian  brothers,  but  wear  a  round  cap 
without  a  peak.     For  ceremonial  purposes  a  French 


THE   GREEK  ARMY  AND   CRETAN  MILITIA    277 

grey  uniform  is  provided.  A  serviceable  overcoat  is 
carried  across  the  shoulder  like  a  bandolier.  The  belts 
and  equipment  of  the  men  are  good,  and  a  short  steel 
bayonet  is  carried  in  a  metal  scabbard. 

Thanks  to  the  courtesy  of  Major  Rosetti  (the  Greek 
officer  commanding  the  battalion  at  Canea),  it  was 
possible  for  me  to  visit  the  barracks  of  the  men  of  that 
battalion.  I  have  consequently  been  able  to  form  my 
own  opinion  as  to  the  efficiency  of  the  organisation 
and  the  thoroughness  of  the  training.  The  Greek 
officers  are  to  be  congratulated  on  the  result  of  their 
work.  The  men  march  well,  and  are  extremely  smart 
and  clean  in  appearance.  The  barrack-rooms,  each  of 
which  provides  accommodation  for  one  company,  are  all 
well  arranged.  The  men's  kits  are  placed  upon  shelves 
expressly  provided  for  that  purpose.  So  up-to-date  are 
the  Greek  arrangements,  that  the  non-commissioned 
officers  even  occupy  separate  compartments  partitioned 
off  from  the  barrack -rooms  of  which  they  are  in  charge. 

The  expense  of  the  gendarmerie  and  of  the  militia 
is  said  by  some  of  the  more  advanced  politicians  of 
the  Island  to  be  too  heavy  a  drain  upon  the  finances 
of  the  country.  These  gentlemen  urge  that  the  militia 
is  useless,  as  with  it  alone  the  Island  could  never  be 
defended  against  a  determined  attack  by  any  Foreign 
Power.  From  an  economical  and  commercial  point 
of  view,  these  men  who  say  that  the  money  which  has 
been  expended  upon  the  equipment  and  training  of 
the  militia  should  have  been  used  to  make  roads  and 
railways  and  to  develop  the  country,  are  probably  right . 
These  people  must,  however,  always  remember  that 
according  to  the  diplomatic  notes  delivered  by  the  Con- 
suls-General of  the  Great  Powers  to  the  Cretan  Govern- 
ment in  March,  1905,  and  in  July,  1906,  the  orjganisation 
of  an  effective  gendarmerie  and  militia  was  more  or  less 
made  a  condition  which  the  Cretans  were  bound  to 
fulfil  before  the  strength  of  the  international  military 
contingents   could  be   reduced  and   finally   withdrawn. 


278         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

The  discipline  of  the  Cretan  troops  is  good,  pro- 
vided they  are  not  ordered  to  do  anything  which  they 
feel  to  be  in  opposition  to  their  national  aspirations. 
As  long  as  this  state  of  things  exists  the  militia  and  the 
gendarmerie,  which  could,  of  course,  never  fight  with 
foreign  armies,  can  be  of  but  little  service  to  the 
Government.  If  discipline  could  be  really  improved 
even  by  the  introduction  of  more  Greek  or  other  foreign 
officers,  and  if  the  Cretan  Government  could  conse- 
quently rely  upon  the  support  of  the  military  forces 
of  the  Island  to  assist  in  quelling  local  disturbances, 
it  would  enable  it  (the  Government)  to  enforce  orders 
and  measures  which  every  far-seeing  man,  whatever 
be  his  politics,  must  see  would  not  only  be  an  immediate 
advantage  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Island,  but  which 
would,  in  the  end,  hasten  the  realisation  of  that  state 
of  things  for  which  every  Cretan  longs.  As  a  fact, 
although  the  majority  of  the  Cretan  politicians  were 
in  favour  of  the  people  of  the  Island  removing  the 
Greek  flag  which  had  been  placed  on  the  fort  at  Canea 
after  the  departure  of  the  last  international  contingent 
during  the  summer  of  1909,  the  Government  then  in 
power  was  unable  to  enforce  its  wishes  upon  the  people, 
largely  because  it  could  not  rely  upon  the  support  of 
the  military  forces  of  the  Island.  As  a  consequence 
the  Government  retired,  and  it  was  necessary  to 
establish  a  provisional  regime  at  Canea.  Although  the 
offending  flag  was  quietly  removed  by  an  international 
party  provided  by  two  warships  sent  by  each  of  the  four 
Protecting  Powers  to  Canea,  yet  the  incident  could 
not  have  passed  unnoticed,  nor  will  it  be  easily  for- 
gotten by  the  statesmen  of  the  four  Powers  who  were 
compelled  to  make  an  international  demonstration  at 
Canea  in  order  to  enforce  an  order  which  the  people 
would  have  done  well  to  obey,  even  if  that  obedience 
had  meant  to  them  some  sacrifice  of  personal  feeling. 


XI 

THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF  BULGARIA 

A  drive  across  the  Bulgarian  frontier — Proposed  railway  from 
Kumanavo  to  Grueschevo — The  Gueshoff  incident — The  Bulgarian 
occupation  of  the  Oriental  railways — History  of  the  construction 
of  the  Bulgarian  section  of  Oriental  railways  by  Baron  Hirsch — 
Claims  made  against  Bulgaria  by  the  Turkish  Government — 
Details  of  the  arrangement  by  which  Russia  acted  as  the  peace 
preserver  between  Bulgaria  and  Turkey— Advantages  accruing  to 
Bulgaria  owing  to  her  independence — New  Railways  in  Bulgaria 
— Disadvantages  of  independence  to  the  country — Some  questions 
still  unsettled  between  Bulgaria  and  Turkey. 

During  the  early  days  of  October,  1908,  two  most 
glaring  infringements  of  an  international  treaty  were 
perpetrated  by  Austria  and  by  Bulgaria.  Whilst  the 
twenty -first  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  defined  the 
status  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  the  first  and  subse- 
quent clauses  of  the  same  document  laid  down  the 
position  which  Bulgaria  and  Eastern  Roumelia  were 
then  destined  to  hold  amongst  the  countries  of  the 
Near  East.  Although  the  Austrians  and  Bulgarians 
both  deliberately  broke  the  obligations  which  they 
respectively  owed  to  Europe  under  this  Treaty,  yet  it 
is  certain  that  those  who  were  responsible  for  defining 
the  status  of  the  Occupied  Provinces  in  1878  could 
hardly  have  meant  to  do  otherwise  than  to  prepare 
for  the  eventual  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina 
to  the  Austro -Hungarian  Empire,  whilst  the  substitution 
of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  for  that  of  San  Stefano  was  so 
disadvantageous  to  Bulgaria  that  it  was  natural  for  her 


280         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

to  endeavour  to  regain  the  prestige  which  she  had  lost 
by  the  abrogation  of  the  treaty  signed  at  San  Stefano 
on  March   3rd,    1878. 

Since  the  Bulgarian  declaration  of  independence  I 
have  paid  two  visits  to  Sofia.  iWhilst  on  the  first 
occasion  I  only  had  the  opportunity  of  discussing  the 
negotiations  which  were  then  in  progress  between 
Turkey  and  Bulgaria,  and  which  at  that  time  threatened 
to  result  in  an  open  rupture  between  the  two  countries, 
on  the  second  I  was  enabled  to  examine  in  detail  the 
exact  terms  on  which  Prince  Ferdinand  was  recognised 
as  Tsar  of  the  Bulgarians,  and  to  ascertain  the  relative 
advantages  and  disadvantages  which  will  accrue  to 
Bulgaria  owing  to  her  declaration  of  independence. 
The  Bulgarians  are  certainly  to  be  highly  commended 
for  their  calm  behaviour  throughout  the  crisis.  In 
October,  1908,  it  would  have  been  easy  for  the  Army 
of  the  new  Kingdom  to  have  captured  Adrianople,  if 
not  actually  to  have  reached  the  very  walls  of  the 
Turkish  capital.  Notwithstanding  this  opportunity  of 
deciding  the  Macedonian  Question  once  and  for  all  to 
its  own  advantage,  the  Bulgarian  Government,  rightly 
or  wrongly  (in  view  of  the  then  attitude  of  the  Great 
Powers  towards  the  Young  Turks,  I  think  rightly), 
determined  to  endeavour  to  settle  peacefully  the  differ- 
ences between  itself  and  the  Sublime  Porte. 

After  the  main  Orient  Express  route  (which  enters 
Bulgaria  from  Turkey  at  Mustafa  Pasha),  perhaps  the 
most  important  highway  from  one  country  to  the  other 
is  the  road  from  Ushub  via  Kumanavo  and  Egri  Palanka 
to  Kostendil.  It  was  by  this  highway  that  I  entered 
Bulgaria  in  order  to  pay  my  second  visit  to  Sofia  since 
the  Bulgarian  declaration  of  independence.  Even  if 
the  railway  which  it  is  proposed  should  follow  this 
route,  and  which  I  shall  discuss  later  on,  is  never 
completed,  yet  if  war  ever  broke  out  between  the  two 
countries,  the  Ottoman  Army  could  make  what  would 


THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF  BULGARIA      281 

probably  be  a  flank  march  from  Salonika  upon  the 
Bulgarian  capital,  or  the  Bulgarians  could  by  this  line 
of  advance  throw  an  army  into  the  heart  of  Macedonia, 
either  with  the  object  of  attacking  Salonika  or  render- 
ing assistance  to  their  Ottoman  kinsmen  domiciled 
across   the   frontier. 

The  first  stage  of  my  drive  to  Kostendil  was  some- 
what wearisome.  The  fifteen  hours  spent  in  traversing 
the  third-rate  road  from  Uskub  to  Egri  Palanka  are 
a  day's  work  rather  pleasanter  to  look  back  upon  than 
to  pass  through.  The  only  town  of  any  importance 
between  Uskub  and  Egri  Palanka  is  Kumanavo.  Here 
the  highway  by  which  I  travelled  into  Bulgaria  finally 
bifurcates  from  the  railway  and  road  which  Follows 
the  valley  of  the  Morava  to  Nish.  Many  of  the  moun- 
tains, which  are  visible  from  the  road,  greatly  resemble 
enormous  detached  sugar-loaf  kopjes.  Much  of  the 
arable  groimd  produces  tobacco,  whilst  the  remainder 
is  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  maize.  The  country 
is  sparsely  populated,  principally  by  Bulgarians*;  the 
name  of  an  occasional  village  even  betrays  that  its 
inhabitants  are  Pomaks  (Moslem  Bulgarians),  who  are 
numerous  in  certain  districts  of  the  Rhodope  Balkans. 

After  passing  the  night  in  an  extremely  dirty  hotel 
in  Egri  Palanka — a  town  situated  on  the  side  of  a  hill — 
I  started  on  the  morrow  up  the  gorge -like  valley  of 
the  River  Kriva.  This  valley  is  too  narrow  to  admit 
of  any  cultivation  except  at  rare  intervals.  Only  now 
and  then,  where  the  rock -like  hills  recede  a  few  yards, 
a  house  or  small  group  of  houses,  surrounded  by  a 
picturesque,  ill-kept  orchard  of  plum-trees,  is  nestled 
near  the  river's  bank.  Having  followed  the  valley  for 
about  two  hours  along  one  of  the  worst  roads  I  have 
ever  traversed,  my  route  ascended  the  mountains  by 
steep  zigzags  towards  the  frontier.  This  mountainous 
locality,  known  as  the  D6v6  Baiyir  district,  forms  part 
of  a  linking  chain  between  the  Rhodope  Balkans  and 


282         THE  DANGER   ZONE   OF   EUROPE 

the  main  Balkan  range,  and  is  made  up  of  wood- 
covered  peaks,  separated  by  valleys  cloaked  with  trees, 
at  that  time  covered  with  leaves  of  a  rich  green  colour. 

As  one  gradually  mounts  the  winding  road  which 
crosses  this  range  a  line  of  small,  whitewashed, 
turreted  houses  becomes  visible.  One  of  these  Turkish 
look-out  stations  (each  of  which  accommodates  five 
men)  occupies  every  prominent  peak  and  guards  each 
passable  valley.  The  Bulgarian  blockhouses  (each 
of  which  contains  five  men)  are  situated  only  a  few 
yards  distant  from  the  Turkish  posts,  but,  owing  to 
being  located  slightly  below  the  crest -line,  are  not 
visible  until  the  top  of  the  pass  is  attained.  When 
the  road  has  all  but  reached  the  summit  of  the  range 
it  suddenly  turns  a  corner,  and  the  buildings  which 
accommodate  the  Turkish  garrison  of  twenty-two  men 
become  visible.  The  Bulgarian  guard-house,  which 
only  contains  an  officer  and  nine  men,  is  situated  but 
ICO  yards  distant  from  the  Turkish  barrack.  The  two 
sentries  face  one  another  upon  the  road  from  week's 
end  to  week's  end.  After  crossing  the  frontier  the 
road  at  once  descends  into  the  valley  of  Kostendil. 
The  village  of  Grueschevo,  which  is  situated  at  a  distance 
of  about  three  miles  from  the  frontier,  is  the  present 
terminus  of  the  railway  which  runs  south-west  from 
Sofia.  Here  buildings  have  been  put  up  on  a  sufficiently 
extensive  plan  to  accommodate  the  necessary  custom- 
house officials  if  this  ever  becomes  a  frontier  railway- 
station.  A  two  hours'  drive  from  Grueschevo  across  the 
plain  brings  the  traveller  to  Kostendil — a  town  which 
is  noted  for  the  quality  of  its  fruit,  and  which  possesses 
a  population  of  about    12,000  inhabitants. 

The  route  which  I  have  described  above  may  possibly 
be  destined  to  be  followed  by  the  first  line  that  will 
establish  through  connection  between  the  Danube  and 
the  Adriatic.  The  distance  from  Grueschevo  to  Kuma- 
navo    is    about    fifty   miles.      No    serious    engineering 


-0       " 


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THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF  BULGARIA      283 

difficulties  exist,  and  the  only  portion  of  the  line  that 
will  be  costly  to  construct  is  the  tunnel  piercing  the 
D^ve  Baiyir  Mountain.  It  is  obvious  if  Sofia  and 
Uskub  were  united  by  a  railway  passing  through 
Kostendil  that  the  first  great  Danube -Adriatic  line 
would  probably  go  by  way  of  Bulgaria  instead  of  by 
Servia.  If  the  line  from  the  Bulgarian  frontier  to 
Kumanavo  is  ever  constructed,  the  Government  of  King 
Ferdinand  is  anxious  that  the  Danubian  line  ,should 
either  abut  upon  the  Adriatic  at  Durazzo  or,  preferably, 
that  a  railway  should  be  built  from  Kupruli  via  Monastir 
to  Avlona.  Either  of  these  lines  would  possess  great 
political  importance  for  the  Bulgarians.  In  times  of 
peace  Bulgarian  influence  in  Macedonia  would  thereby 
be  increased,  whilst  in  the  unfortunate  event  of  war 
a  railway  would  enable  an  army  to  be  rapidly  pushed 
south-west  from  the  newly  created  Kingdom  into  the 
heart  of  Macedonia. 

The  Turks  are  at  present  unwilling  to  build  or  to 
allow  to  be  built  a  line  from  the  frontier  via  Egri- 
Palanka  to  Kumanavo,  and  as  an  alternative,  for  obvious 
strategical  reasons,  desire  the  construction  of  a  railway 
from  Demir  Hissar  to  Djuma  Balia  by  way  of  the 
Struma  Valley.  It  seems  probable,  too,  that  French 
influence  might  be  directed  in  favour  of  the  building 
of  this  railway  because  it  would  prove  an  important 
feeder  to  the  **  Salonika  Junction  "  line — the  property 
of  a  French  company — which,  passing  through  Demir 
Hissar,  connects  D^d^  Agatch  with  Salonika.  In  order 
to  unite  Djuma  Balia  with  Sofia,  the  Bulgarians  are 
willing  to  build  a  line  via  Dubnitza  to  Kotcharenavo 
(the  Bulgarian  frontier  village  in  the  Struma  Valley), 
always  on  condition  that  the  Turks  agree  to  the  con- 
struction of  their  section  of  the  great  Danube -Adriatic 
line  from  the  Turko -Bulgarian  frontier  at  least  as 
far  as  Kumanavo. 

It    is    interesting   to   note    the   enormous    differences 


284  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

which  become  markedly  apparent  after  entering 
Bulgaria.  Even  my  Moslem  driver  (who  was  most 
orthodox  and  carefully  fulfilled  the  obligations  imposed 
upon  him  by  his  religion)  alluded  to  these  differences  of 
his  own  free  will.  This  man  went  so  far  as  to  show 
his  feelings  of  partiality  for  Bulgaria  by  stating  that 
**  where  the  Government  is  good  all  goes  well."  The 
Bulgarian  road  is  not  only  well  laid  out,  but  it  is  main- 
tained in  a  good  state  of  repair.  Carriages  may  trot 
along,  hardly  jolting  the  traveller  any  more  than  he 
would  be  on  an  English  country  road.  The  fields 
are  well  cultivated.  The  ground,  which  much  re- 
sembles heavy,  rich  English  soil,  is  made  the  best  use 
of.  Animals  of  all  kinds  are  contentedly  grazing  in 
the  pastures,  instead  of,  as  in  Turkey,  being  allowed 
to  wander  in  all  directions,  thereby  trampling  down 
the  standing  corn  or  crossing  the  newly -ploughed 
fallows.  Hay  and  corn  crops  are  carefully  collected  in 
small,  round,  thatched  ricks.  The  forests  are  syste- 
matically cut,  and  trees  are  replanted  to  replace  those 
removed  for  sale  or  every-day  use.  Since  the  liberation 
of  the  Principality  in  1878,  the  prosperity  of  the  State 
has  gradually  increased.  The  population  has  steadily 
become  greater,  the  Bulgarian  Army  has  been  effec- 
tively organised,  numerous  railways  have  been  con- 
structed, and  the  value  of  the  annual  exports  from 
the  country  has  advanced  by  leaps  and  bounds.  Sofia, 
which  in  1878  was  hardly  more  than  a  collection  of  mud 
huts,  is  now  a  prosperous  modern  city.  Each  village 
has  its  national  school  and  the  education  of  the  people 
is  improving  from  day  to  day.  Thus  in  1908  Bulgaria 
had  undoubtedly  shown  herself  worthy  of  occupying 
a  powerful  position  in  the  Near  East. 

The  Bulgarians  who  in  1908  had  so  entirely  thrown 
off  the  control  of  Russia,  and  who  had  so  greatly 
increased  the  prosperity  of  their  cotmtry,  have  always 
been,  and  still  are,  discontented  that  through  the  inter- 


THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF  BULGARIA      285 

vention  of  Europe  and  the  consequent  abrogation  of 
the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  they  have  lost  the  districts 
of  Pirot  and  Vrania,  which  were  handed  over  to  Servia. 
Besides  these  areas  lost  to  Bulgaria,  large  portions 
of  the  Turkish  vilayets  of  Kossovo,  Monastir,  Salonika, 
and  Adrianople  were  returned  to  Turkey.  Under  the 
Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  too,  Bulgaria  would  even  have 
possessed  her  great  national  ideal — about  lOo  miles 
of  sea  coast,  including  the  port  of  Kavala  on  the  ^Egean. 
The  same  arrangement  would  likewise  have  included 
Uskub  within  the  boundaries  of  the   Principality. 

I  have  only  enumerated  the  foregoing  well-known 
historical  facts  in  order  to  prove  that  in  1908  King 
Ferdinand  and  his  people,  who  fully  realised  all  the 
difficulties  which  had  been  put  in  the  way  of  the 
development  of  a  powerful  Bulgaria,  could  hardly  have 
been  expected  to  view  with  pleasure  the  possibility 
of  the  birth  of  a  strong  Ottoman  Empire.  If  such  a 
Turkish  ideal  were  once  realised,  it  was  immediately 
apparent  to  every  Bulgarian  that  not  only  would  all 
hope  of  the  restoration  of  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  be 
dashed  to  the  ground,  but  that  the  possibility  of 
claiming  the  long  looked  forward  to  independence  would 
be  put  off,  if  not  for  ever  laid  on  one  side.  In  spite, 
however,  of  the  undoubted  misgivings  which  must  from 
the  first  have  been  prevalent  in  Bulgaria,  the  people 
viewed  the  Turkish  revolution  with  that  calmness  and 
dignity  which  not  only  constitute  the  very  spirit  of 
the  nation,  but  which  have  played  so  prominent  a  part 
in  bringing  the  country  to  that  position  of  importance 
which  it  holds  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula  to-day. 

During  the  month  of  September,  1908,  the  actual 
and  future  status  of  Bulgaria  was  opened  to  discussion 
by  the  Gueshoff  incident.  The  omission  to  invite 
M.  Gueshoff — the  Bulgarian  Diplomatic  Agent  then 
accredited  to  the  Sublime  Porte — to  a  diplomatic  enter- 
tainment  at   Constantinople   must   either   have   been   a 


286  THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

mistake  on  the  part  of  the  Turkish  Foreign  Minister, 
or  else  a  wilful  insult  to  the  Bulgarian  people  perpe- 
trated in  order  to  show  them  the  position  which  a 
vassal  Bulgaria  was  destined  to  hold  under  the  Ottoman 
Empire  when  governed  by  the  Young  Turks.  Although 
this  omission  to  invite  M.  Gueshoff  to  a  mere  social 
entertainment  was  in  itself  of  but  little  importance, 
yet  as  the  Sublime  Porte  justified  its  omission  by  in- 
forming the  Bulgarians  that  only  the  representatives 
of  '*  Sovereign  "  States  were  in  future  to  be  included 
in  diplomatic  banquets — a  rule  of  etiquette  which  in  the 
past  had  never  been  enforced  at  Constantinople — it  was 
not  unnatural  that  the  Bulgarians  should  make  arrange- 
ments to  resort  to  the  strongest  measures  in  order  to 
demonstrate  to  Europe  their  displeasure  at  the  intro- 
duction of  what  was  to  them  a  direct  infringement  of 
their  national  prestige. 

The  next  step  in  the  direction  of  independence  was 
taken  when,  as  a  result  of  a  strike  among  the 
employees  of  the  Oriental  Railway  Company,  the 
Bulgarians  occupied  those  sections  of  that  Company's 
line  which  were  within  the  frontiers  of  Eastern 
Roumelia,  and  which  were  not  already  administered 
by  the  Bulgarian  Government.  Whatever  excuses  could 
be  urged  in  support  of  the  temporary  occupation  of  the 
line  during  the  strike,  as  soon  as  the  employees  of 
the  Company  were  willing  to  resume  work,  the  Govern- 
ment was  faced  by  the  choice  of  either  deciding  to 
persist  in  retaining  possession  of  the  line — a  course 
which  practically  amounted  to  an  assertion  of  national 
independence — or  of  withdrawing  its  officials  from  the 
railway  over  which,  on  more  than  one  previous  occasion, 
the  Bulgarians  had  been  anxious  to  gain  control.  The 
former  alternative  was  adopted.  This  act  of  robbery 
— for  even  if  committed  for  the  advantage  of  the  State, 
robbery  it  was — was  defended  by  the  Bulgarians  on  the 
ground  that  the  occupation  of  the  line  was  necessary, 


,%--:»^SMP*f- 


'™ 


m 

4 


™ 


THE  INDEPENDENCE   OF  BULGARIA       287 

not  only  in  order  to  render  them  more  able  to  defend 
themselves  in  case  of  war,  but  also  in  the  general 
interest  of  the  country,  whose  inhabitants  had  already 
shown  an  aptitude  for  improving  the  conditions  under 
which  they  lived.  Although  the  Bulgarians  may  have 
been  foolish  in  seizing  the  line  before  they  formally 
declared  their  independence,  yet  when  the  final  decision 
was  taken  to  maintain  control  over  the  railway,  the 
Government  at  once  undertook  to  safeguard  the  interests 
of  the  Company  and  to  enter  into  negotiations  as  to 
the  amount  of  money  payable  for  the  railway  thus 
forcibly  taken  over. 

As  a  result  of  a  Cabinet  Council  held  at  Rustchuk 
during  the  night  of  October  4th- 5th,  the  actual  declara- 
tion of  Bulgarian  independence  was  made  by  King 
Ferdinand  at  Tirnovo,  the  ancient  capital  of  Bulgaria, 
on  October  5th,  1908.  Prior  to  this  declaration,  whether 
or  not  any  formal  agreement  had  been  arrived  at 
between  the  Austro -Hungarian  Government  and  Prince 
Ferdinand  concerning  the  annexation  of  the  then  only 
**  occupied  "  provinces  and  the  declaration  of  Bulgarian 
independence  cannot  even  now  be  decided  with  any 
degree  of  certainty.  However  this  may  be,  and  how- 
ever vehemently  both  the  parties  who  tore  up  the 
Treaty  of  Berlin  in  October,  1908,  may  deny  that  any 
arrangement  was  made,  it  is  certain  that  when  Prince 
Ferdinand  arrived  at  Buda  Pesth  on  September  23rd, 
he  was  received  by  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph 
with  royal  honours.  There  is  no  doubt,  too,  that  the 
proclamation  of  Bulgarian  independence  at  an  early 
date  was  actually  decided  upon  by  Prince  Ferdinand 
during  his  visit  to  Vienna  at  the  end  of  September. 
The  question  whether,  and  if  so  when,  Count  Aerenthal 
was  actually  officially  informed  of  the  Bulgarian 
programme  is  extremely  delicate.  Although,  on 
October  3rd  the  Austro -Hungarian  Foreign  Minister 
officially  denied  to  the  British  Ambassador  at  Vienna 


288    THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE       i 

all  knowledge  of  the  impending  declaration  of  Bulgarian  ! 
independence,  yet  the  Ambassador  of  the  Dual  i 
Monarchy  in  Paris,  when  presenting  the  letter  announc- 
ing the  forthcoming  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina to  President  Falli^res  on  October  3rd,  actually 
informed  his  Excellency  of  the  imminent  declaration 
of  Bulgarian  independence.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  knowledge  officially  possessed  by  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Government  as  to  the  imminence  of  the 
Bulgarian  declaration  of  independence,  it  is  possible 
that  Prince  Ferdinand,  probably  even  in  possession  of 
Austro -Hungarian  assurances  that  a  declaration  of 
independence  would  subsequently  be  permitted,  if  the 
Bulgarian  people  remained  calm  during  what  were 
expected  would  only  be  formalities  concerning  the 
annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  may  not  un- 
wisely have  considered  it  advisable  to  make  good  his 
opportunity,  and  ejfifect  his  national  coup  d'etat,  while 
the  statesmen  of  the  Dual  Monarchy  were  still  put- 
ting the  finishing  touches  upon  their  arrangements 
for  the  formal  annexation  of  the  already  **  occupied  " 
provinces. 

Before  entering  upon  a  discussion  concerning  the 
various  phases  of  the  negotiations  which  took  place 
with  regard  to  the  terms  on  which  Bulgarian  independ- 
ence was  to  be  recognised,  not  only  by  Turkey,  but  by 
the  Great  Powers  of  Europe,  I  propose  to  describe  , 
very  briefly  the  manner  in  which  the  disputed  railways 
were  originally  constructed,  and  also  to  explain  the 
complex  nature  of  the  problems  which  had  to  be  solved 
before  the  310  kilometres  of  railway — built  under  the 
arrangements  described  below — could  finally  be  acquired 
by  Bulgaria.  Although,  too,  the  railway  which  was 
originally  constructed  in  Turkish  territory  —  territory  , 
which  for  all  practical  purposes  passed  into  the  hands 
of  Bulgaria  in  1885  as  a  result  of  the  revolution  of 
Philippopolis— was   still   the   property   of   the   Ottoman 


THE   INDEPENDENCE  OF   BULGARIA      289 

Government,  yet  the  capital  with  which  the  line  had 
actually  been  built  and  the  Company  by  which  it  was 
and  had  been  exploited  were  foreign.  The  Bulgarians 
were  consequently  beset  by  the  difficulty  of  compen- 
sating Turkey  for  her  proprietary  rights  in  the  railway 
and  at  the  same  time  of  making  good  the  loss  of  the 
Company,  which  held  a  concession  to  work  the  line  for 
a  given  number  of  years. 

It  was  in  1869  that  Baron  Hirsch  originally  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  a  concession  to  build  certain  rail- 
ways in  Turkey.  Amongst  other  important  lines 
contracted  for  imder  this  arrangement  was  the  one 
which  passes  through  Adrianople,  and  thus  connects 
Constantinople  with  Bellova  in  Bulgaria.  A  contract 
was  at  the  same  time  made  for  the  branch  from  Tirnova 
Semenli  to  Yamboli.  In  payment  for  the  work 
which  he  was  to  carry  out,  Baron  Hirsch  received 
from  the  Turkish  Government  an  annual  rent  which 
he  subsequently  capitalised  in  order  to  obtain  the 
actual  money  with  which  to  undertake  the  work  of 
construction.  The  interest  on  the  bonds  which  were 
afterwards  issued  by  Baron  Hirsch  was  guaranteed 
by  the  Turkish  Government. 

When  the  line  was  completed.  Baron  Hirsch  entered 
into  a  formal  agreement  with  the  Sublime  Porte  by 
which  he  was  to  form  a  company  or  syndicate  to  work 
the  line  on  behalf  of  the  Turkish  Government  under 
a  concession  at  that  time  granted  for  fifty  but  sub- 
sequently prolonged  to  ninety  years.  The  arrangement 
originally  made  between  the  lessees  of  the  line  (the 
Oriental  Railway  Company)  and  the  proprietors  (the 
Ottoman  Government)  was  that  the  Company,  in  order 
to  cover  working  expenses,  was  to  have  all  the  receipts 
until  a  certain  sum  was  reached.  The  annual  receipts 
in  excess  of  the  sum  fixed  for  working  expenses  was 
to  be  divided  between  the  Company  and  the  Ottoman 
Government. 

19 


292         THE  DANGER  ZONE    OF  EUROPE 

amounted  to  2,925,000  francs  annually,  Bulgaria  offered 
to  pay  a  sum  of  40,000,000  francs.  In  addition  the 
Government  of  the  newly-created  State  agreed  to 
undertake  a  special  debt  (amounting  to  about 
28,000,000  francs),  due  to  Russia  for  the  temporary 
occupation  of  Eastern  Roumelia  by  Russian  troops 
directly  after  the  signature  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin. 

The  third  point  which  was  open  to  discussion 
between  Turkey  and  Bulgaria,  as  a  result  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  latter  country,  was  the  amount  to  be 
paid  for  the  section  of  the  Oriental  Railway  which  lay 
within  the  boundaries  of  Eastern  Roumelia.  Through- 
*  out  the  negotiations  which  were  in  progress  at  the  time 
of  my  visit  to  Sofia  during  the  winter  of  1908-9, 
the  Bulgarian  Government  was  willing  to  pay  either 
what  the  line  cost  to  construct  or  a  sum  sufficient 
to  bring  in  an  income  equal  to  the  profits  of  the  line. 
The  annual  revenue  of  the  railway  was  about  2,000,000 
francs.  The  Bulgarians  offered  to  capitalise  this  by 
paying  to  the  Turks  40,000,000  francs,  which  at  3  per 
cent,  brings  in  2,000,000  francs  per  year.  A  further 
2,000,000  francs  was  offered  for  the  line  from  Bellova 
to  Vakarel,  which,  as  I  have  already  said,  in  addition 
to  the  section  from  Bellova  to  Serambey,  had  in  the 
past  been  worked  by  the  Bulgarian  Government. 
Throughout  the  winter  the  Company,  backed  up  by 
the  Turkish  Government,  or  perhaps  the  Turkish 
Government  supported  by  the  Governments  whose 
subjects  were  shareholders  possessing'  a  financial  interest 
in  the  line,  were  not  content  with  these  offers. 
Amongst  other  things,  those  interested  in  the  line 
claimed  that  as  the  receipts  were  wont  to  increase  every 
year,  the  amount  to  be  paid  by  Bulgaria  should  have 
been  calculated  on  the  possible  income  of  the  railway 
at  some  future  date.  Although,  in  view  of  the  ninety 
years*  concession  under  which  the  railway  was  being 
exploited,  under  some  circumstances  this  might  have 


>    >'    ' 


<     r      /   '      c  ,  < 


*-~.w 


A    BLLGAKIAX    INFAXTKYMAX. 


To  face  p.  293. 


THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF   BULGARIA      293 

been  a  reasonable  claim,  yet  in  this  case  it  could  carry 
no  weight,  as  the  Bulgarian  Government  always  had 
the  right  to  construct  through  Eastern  Roumelia  a 
parallel  line  to  that  owned  by  the  Oriental  Railway 
Company.  As  a  result  of  this  right  possessed  by 
Bulgaria,  when  the  construction  of  this  opposition 
line  was  threatened  and,  in  fact,  actually  begun  in 
1897,  the  Turkish  Government  offered  to  sell  their 
line  for  a  sum  vastly  less  than  that  offered  by  Bulgaria 
during  the  winter  of   1908-9. 

The  question  of  the  vakoufs  was  always  regarded 
at  Sofia  as  comparatively  insignificant,  and  one  which 
could  easily  be  settled  by  negotiation  between  Bulgaria 
and  Turkey  when  the  main  outlines  of  the  agreement 
between  the   two   countries   had  been  arrived  at. 

By  the  end  of  1908  Bulgaria  had  already  offered  to 
pay  82,000,000  francs  to  Turkey  as  a  recompense  for 
the  losses  sustained  by  the  Ottoman  Government. 
Although  this  sum,  as  I  have  already  shown,  practically 
compensated  Turkey  for  all  material  losses  which  she 
had  sustained,  it  did  not  cover  the  moral  disadvantages 
which  the  Ottoman  Government  said  would  accrue  to 
the  Empire  owing  to  the  discontinuance  of  its  suzerainty 
over  the  Principality  of  Bulgaria,  and  owing  to  the 
changed  status  of  the  province  of  Eastern  Roumelia. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  to  cover  the  total  damage  which 
she  considered  she  had  sustained,  Turkey  claimed  from 
Bulgaria  the  sum  of    125,000,000  francs. 

Early  in  February,  1909,  when  the  negotiations 
between  Bulgaria  and  Turkey  had  reached  a  dead- 
lock, and  when,  to  those  who  were  cognisant  of  the 
facts,  it  seemed  difficult  to  see  how  war  could  well  be 
averted,  Russia  suddenly  intervened,  and  in  the  interest 
of  preserving  the  peace  of  Europe,  addressed  a  circular 
note  to  the  Great  Powers  signifying  her  willingness  to 
come  to  some  arrangement  with  Bulgaria  and  Turkey, 
which    would    make    good    to    Turkey    the    difference 


294         THE  DANGER   ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

between  the  82,000,000  francs  tendered  by  Bulgaria 
and  the  125,000,000  francs  claimed  by  the  Ottoman 
Government.  In  order  to  effect  this  object,  Russia 
proposed  to  cancel  enough  of  the  then  remaining 
seventy-four  annuities  due  to  her  from  Turkey,  in 
respect  of  the  war  indemnity  fixed  by  the  Convention 
signed  at  Constantinople  on  May  14th,  1882,  and  to 
collect  from  Bulgaria  the  82,000,000  francs  which  she 
had  already  offered  to  Turkey  in  payment  of  the  claims 
put  forward  by  the  Ottoman  Government.  Whilst  this 
proposal  was  designed  to  empower  Turkey  to  borrow 
the  sum  (125,000,000  francs)  which  she  claimed  from 
Bulgaria,  as  I  shall  explain  below,  it  also  possessed 
the  advantage  of  enabling  the  Bulgarians  to  meet  their 
liabilities  on  easier  terms  than  could  otherwise  have 
been  the  case. 

After  some  negotiations  as  to  the  exact  stipulations 
which  were  to  be  entered  into,  an  agreement  was  finally 
signed  between  Turkey  and  Russia  at  St.  Petersburg 
on  March  i6th,  1909,  by  which  Russia  definitely  gave 
up  forty  of  the  seventy-four  still  remaining  annuities  of 
the  war  indemnity.  As  Turkey  had  paid  all  the 
annuities  up  to  December,  1908,  this  renunciation  took 
effect  from  January  ist,  1909.  At  the  same  time,  too, 
Russia  agreed  to  allow  Turkey,  should  she  decide  to 
do  so  before  July  ist,  1909,  to  capitalise  the  thirty-four 
annuities  remaining  over  and  above  the  forty  abandoned 
annuities.  If  this  course  were  followed  by  Turkey, 
which  it  was  not,  the  present  value  of  these  annuities 
was  to  be  calculated  at  4  per  cent.  As  it  was  not 
adopted,  Turkey  possesses  the  right  to  capitalise  the 
thirty-four  remaining  indemnities  at  the  end  of  the 
fortieth  year,  under  arrangements  to  be  made  between 
Turkey  and  Russia — arrangements  which  are  to  depend 
upon  the  then  rate  of  the  credit  of  the  Ottoman  Empire. 

By  the  above  agreement  between  Russia  and  Turkey 
it  was  also  stipulated  that  the  1 25,000,000  francs  should 


THE   INDEPENDENCE  OF  BULGARIA      295 

be  distributed  as  follows  :  40,000,000  francs  as  the 
capitalisation  of  the  annual  tribute  for  Eastern 
Roumelia*;  40,000,000  francs  in  compensation  for  the 
loss  of  the  railway  of  which  Bulgaria  had  taken 
possession  ;  2,000,000  francs  as  the  value  of  the  line 
from  Bellova  to  Vakarel  ;  and  the  balance,  43,000,000 
francs,  to  cover  the  expense  of  repurchasing  the 
**  Domaines  "  of  the  Ottoman  State.  A  stipulation  was 
also  made  in  the  agreement  that  the  direct  claims  which 
the  Oriental  Company  had  made  against  Bulgaria,  both 
in  respect  of  the  rolling  stock  seized  and  of  the  daily 
indemnity  due  to  the  Company  between  the  occupation 
of  the  line  and  the  date  of  the  signature  of  the  Turko- 
Bulgarian  agreement,  should  be  met  by  a  direct  payment 
made  by  Bulgaria.  This  stipulation  also  applied  to 
certain  Tuikish  claims  in  respect  of  the  vakoufs,  interest 
on  the  Eastern  Roumelian  tribute,  and  sundry  details 
which  M.  Liaptcheff,  during  his  negotiations  at  Con- 
stantinople had  agreed  to  leave  outside  the  main 
features  of  the  agreement  to  be  made  between  Bulgaria 
and  Turkey. 

As  a  result  of  this  arrangement,  Bulgaria  undertook 
to  pay  to  tussia  the  82,000,000  francs  which  she  had 
already  offtred  to  Turkey  in  exchange  for  the  losses 
suffered  by  the  Ottoman  Government.  Instead,  how- 
ever, of  thii  sum  being  given  to  Russia  all  at  one  time, 
it  was  agreid  between  the  Governments  of  St.  Peters- 
burg and  o"  Sofia  that  payment  might  be  spread  over 
a  period  of  seventy-five  years,  by  means  of  an  annuity 
amounting  t>  4,020,000  francs,  which  was  to  cover  the 
interest  upoi  and  a  sinking  fund  for  the  82,000,000 
francs.  ThB  adjustment  of  the  Turkish  claim  against 
Bulgaria  posessed  the  dual  advantage  of  empowering 
the  new-bon  Kingdom  to  meet  her  liabilities  on  easy 
terms,  and  ilso  of  enabling  Bulgaria  to  secure  the 
recognition  cf  her  independence  in  exchange  for  what 
amounted  to  he  payment  of  the  actual  sum  which  she 


296 


THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 


had  already  offered  to  Turkey.  Had  King  Ferdinand 
and  his  Ministers  been  compelled  to  borrow  a  large 
sum  of  money  to  pay  off  the  82,000,000  francs  offered 
to  Turkey,  instead  of  simply  increasing  the  annual 
Budget  of  Bulgaria  by  4,020,000  francs,  it  would  not 
only  have  prevented  them  from  subsequently  obtaining 
the  loan  of  £4,000,000  on  the  advantageous  terms 
which  they  actually  secured  in  December,  1909,  but 
it  would  certainly,  ere  this,  have  necessirated  the 
establishment  of  some  form  of  foreign  control  over 
the  finances  of  Bulgaria. 

Although  for  the  moment,  at  any  rate  materially 
speaking,  Russia  is  certainly  the  loser  by  this  arrange- 
ment— for  forty  years  she  is  to  receive  an  amual  pay- 
ment of  4,020,000  francs  from  Bulgaria,  instead  of, 
roughly,  7,950,000  francs  from  Turkey — yet  for  thirty- 
four  out  of  the  remaining  thirty-five  years  over  which 
the  Bulgarian  liability  will  still  extend  .Russia  will 
receive,  in  addition  to  the  Bulgarian  4,020,300  francs, 
either  the  annual  payment  by  Turkey  of  nearly 
7^9 50^000  francs  or  a  lump  sum  in  lieu  thereof.  Again, 
even  if  Russia  did  materially  lose  somethng  by  her 
agreement  with  Turkey  and  with  Bulgaria,  ^et  she  cer- 
tainly gained  credit  in  the  arena  of  Europeai  politics  by 
being  the  means  of  preventing  an  outbreak  )f  hostilities 
in  the  Near  East.  At  a  moment,  too,  whoi  it  seemed 
possible  that  the  attitude  of  Russia  towards  the  political 
future  of  one  group  of  southern  Slavs — tie  Servians, 
Montenegrins,  and  Bosniaks — might  bring  the  Cabinet 
into  disfavour  in  the  country  itself,  intervention  on 
behalf  of  Bulgaria — a  State  originally  created  by 
Russian  support— helped  to  re-establish  th(  prestige  so 
muc"h  required  by  the  Government  of  th(  Tsar. 

In  order  to  fulfil  the  terms  of  the  arrangement  made 
between  Turkey  and  Russia  on  March  i6h,  an  agree- 
ment was  signed  at  Constantinople  on  Ppril  19th,  by 
the   representatives  of  the  Sublime   Pore  and  of  the 


THE  INDEPENDENCE    OF  BULGARIA      297 

Tsar  of  the  Bulgarians.  It  was  by  this  document  that 
the  new  political  status  of  Bulgaria  was  officially- 
recognised  by  the  Ottoman  Government,  and  it  was  by 
this  agreement  that  the  amounts  of  the  various  sums 
due  direct  from  Bulgaria  to  Turkey  were  definitely 
decided.  In  exchange  for  the  formal  recognition  of 
national  independence,  the  Bulgarian  Government 
undertook  to  pay  to  Turkey,  within  fifteen  days,  1 10,000 
francs  for  post-office  stock,  180,307  francs  for  light- 
houses situated  in  Bulgaria  and  Eastern  Roumelia, 
which  in  the  past  had  been  administered  under  a  con- 
cession originally  granted  by  the  Turks  to  a  French 
company,  and  approximately  9,680  francs  for  certain 
sanitary  and  quarantine  buildings  owned  by  the  Turks 
at  the  ports  of  Varna  and  of  Bourgas.  In  addition 
to  these  items,  the  Bulgarians  at  the  same  time  agreed 
to  pay  interest  from  October,  1908,  to  April,  1909,  on 
the  40,000,000  francs  paid  to  Russia  as  the  capitalisa- 
tion of  the  tribute  for  Eastern  Roumelia,  and  to  accede 
to  certain  claims  made  on  behalf  of  the  Oriental  Rail- 
way Company  for  losses  sustained  between  1908  and 
1909. 

When  the  independence  of  Bulgaria  was  recognised 
by  Turkey,  arrangements  were  made  in  order  to  secure 
the  satisfactory  treatment  of  Moslems  still  residing  in 
the  dominions  of  King  Ferdinand.  It  was  agreed,  not 
only  that  the  name  of  the  Sultan — as  Caliph — was  still 
to  be  mentioned  in  the  public  prayers  at  the  mosques, 
but  that  a  Mufti -in -Chief  should  reside  at  the  capital, 
to  act  as  an  intermediary  between  the  Muftis  of  Bulgaria 
and  the  Minister  of  Public  Works  at  Sofia.  This  Mufti- 
in-Chief  was  not  only  authorised  to  inspect  Moslem 
schools  and  to  make  arrangements  for  the  creation  of 
educational  establishments  in  places  where  they  did 
not  then  exist,  but  it  was  settled  by  the  Turko-Bulgarian 
agreement  that  a  sufficient  sum  was  to  continue  to 
be  allotted  out  of  the  Bulgarian  Budget  for  the  purpose 


298         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

of  keeping  up  the  Moslem  schools  and  the  mosques 
in  Bulgaria.  Moslem  places  of  worship  are  not  to  be 
demolished  except  in  case  of  national  necessity,  and 
only  then  after  a  piece  of  land  has  been  given  and 
when  a  sum  of  money  has  been  provided  with  which 
to  replace  the  demolished  building. 

In  the  limited  space  which  I  have  devoted  to  the 
subject  I  have  endeavoured,  firstly,  to  show  very  briefly 
the  state  of  Bulgaria  at  the  time  of  her  declaration  of 
independence,  and,  secondly,  to  explain  the  terms  on 
which  the  recognition  of  that  independence  was  secured 
by  the  advisers  of  King  Ferdinand.  In  the  following 
few  pages  of  this  chapter  I  hope  to  be  able  to  describe, 
and  to  discuss,  some  of  the  advantages  and  dis- 
advantages which  have  accrued  to  Bulgaria  as  a  result 
of  her  independence,  and  then  to  mention  a  few  of  the 
outstanding  questions  which  have  still  to  be  decided 
between  Bulgaria  and  Turkey. 

During  my  visit  to  Sofia,  subsequent  to  the  final 
recognition  of  the  new  status  of  Bulgaria,  I  had  the 
opportunity  of  discussing  the  affairs  of  the  State  with 
those  men  who  know  what  has  happened,  and  who  can 
therefore  judge  what  have  been  and  will  be  the 
probable   results   of   the   declaration   of   independence. 

Although  this  independence  has  brought  about  hardly 
any  changes  which  are  noticeable  by  the  passing  visitor 
to  the  dominions  of  the  new  Tsar — perhaps  the  most 
apparent  is  the  fact  that  Bulgarian  railway  officials 
and  Bulgarian  engines  take  the  mail  trains  as  far  as 
Mustafa  Pasha  (the  Turko -Bulgarian  frontier),  instead 
of  being  exchanged  for  those  of  the  Oriental  Railway 
Company  at  Serambey — yet  men  belonging  to 
practically  every  political  party  in  Bulgaria  agree  that 
the  declaration  of  independence  on  the  whole  has 
certainly  carried  with  it  advantages  to  the  State.  As 
a  result  of  the  formal  recognition  of  Bulgarian  inde- 
pendence, there  will  in  future  be  no  question  of  King 


THE   INDEPENDENCE   OF  BULGARIA      299 

Ferdinand  and  his  advisers  being  obliged  to  enter  into 
negotiations  with  or  through  Turkey  (except  as  a 
Foreign  Power)  concerning  any  questions  which  may 
affect  either  Northern  or  Southern  Bulgaria.  The 
Tsar  6i  the  Bulgarians  now  being  a  reigning  monarch, 
his  representatives  abroad  will  consequently  rank  with 
the  representatives  of  other  royal  houses.  Although, 
too,  for  many  years  the  Capitulations  have  not  been 
a  real  restriction  in  the  way  of  carrying  out  justice  in 
Bulgaria  (most  of  them  have  not  been  enforced  by  the 
Great  Powers),  yet  it  will  doubtless  be  an  advantage 
to  the  State  that  they  shall  be  withdrawn  altogether. 
The  Bulgarians  hold,  moreover,  that  a  moral  gain  of 
considerable  importance  is  that  the  authority  of  a 
Kingdom  will  be  much  greater  with  all  Bulgarians 
residing  abroad  than  that  of  a  Principality  ever  was. 

Bulgaria  and  Eastern  Roumelia  are  now  one 
kingdom,  and  are  consequently  for  all  purposes  on 
equal  terms.  Previous  to  the  declaration  and  recogni- 
tion of  independence,  the  status  of  Eastern  Roumelia 
was  more  or  less  uncertain.  .Whatever  he  may  have 
been  in  practice,  officially  the  Prince  had  only  been 
Governor-General  of  Eastern  Roumelia.  Although,  too, 
since  the  revolution  of  Philippopolis,  in  1885,  the  two 
divisions  of  the  country  have,  for  all  internal  affairs, 
formed  one  State,  yet  when  entering  into  negotiations 
with  Turkey  or  the  Great  Powers,  the  Bulgarian  Govern- 
ment— at  least  concerning  certain  matters — was  always 
faced  by  the  danger  of  being  asked  to  deal  with  the 
two  provinces  separately.  Moreover,  in  spite  of  a 
declaration  made  by  the  Sultan  that  he  did  not  at 
present  intend  to  garrison  the  Balkan  Range,  accord- 
ing to  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  Turkey  actually  possessed 
the  right  of  providing  for  the  defence  of  Eastern 
Roumelia  by  erecting  fortifications  and  maintaining 
troops  upon  the  frontiers  of  that  Province. 

As   a   result   of   their    independence,    it    is    held    by 


300         THE   DANGER   ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

Bulgarians  that  they  can  now  be  on  better  terms  with 
Turkey,  as  both  countries  possess  equal  rights  under 
which  to  negotiate  treaties  or  to  make  alliances.  Both 
diplomats  and  statesmen  alike  are  anxious  to  explain 
that  the  Bulgarian  attitude  toward  the  Young  Turks  is 
one  of  intense  friendship.  This  seems  to  be  true,  and 
will  probably  remain  the  policy  of  Bulgaria  so  long  as 
the  Young  Turks  make  any  endeavour  to  carry  out  the 
programme  which   they  have  undertaken  to   perform. 

The  Bulgarian  Government  now  controls  all  the  rail- 
ways— the  possession  of  which,  in  addition  to  all  the 
ordinary  direct  and  indirect  advantages  accruing 
thereto,  gives  the  military  authorities  the  power  of 
effecting  a  rapid  mobilisation  in  any  locality  where 
troops  are  required,  either  for  the  purp>ose  of  throw- 
ing a  powerful  force  on  to  or  across  the  most 
vulnerable  portions  of  the  frontier.  In  the  past,  in 
addition  to  the  disadvantages  of  not  possessing  all  the 
railways  of  the  country,  the  Bulgarians  were  always 
hampered  by  the  fact  that  the  amount  of  rolling  stock 
permitted  to  enter  the  country  at  Mustafa  Pasha  was 
restricted. 

The  fact  that  the  Bulgarians  now  possess  undisputed 
control  of  all  the  railways  in  Bulgaria  will  be  a  distinct 
encouragement  to  the  Government  to  expend  money 
upon  the  construction  of  new  lines.  I  have  already 
alluded  to  the  railway  which  has  recently  been  opened 
as  far  as  Grueschevo  on  the  Bulgarian  frontier.  A 
new  line  has  also  been  completed  which  joins  Sistova 
on  the  Danube  to  the  main  route  from  Sofia  to  Varna. 
The  first  part  of  the  railway  which  is  to  cross  the 
Balkans  from  Tirnovo  in  Northern  Bulgaria  to  near 
Eski  Zagora  in  Southern  Bulgaria  was  opened  in  July, 
1 910.  The  opening  of  this  section  establishes  railway 
communication  between  Tirnovo  and  Platchkovo,  a 
small  town  just  on  the  north  of  the  Balkan  Range. 
The    following     lines    are    also    under    construction  : 


THE  INDEPENDENCE   OF  BULGARIA      301 

(i)  Mezdera  to  Widin,  with  branches  to  Lorn 
Palanka  on  the  Danube  and  to  Berkovitza.  These 
hnes,  which  have  a  length  of  about  300  kilometres, 
ought  to  be  completed  in  or  before  the  year  1 9 1 2 . 
(2)  Devna  to  Dobric,  near  the  coast  of  the  Black 
Sea.  (3)  A  line  from  Philippopolis  to  Tchirpan 
which  will  run  almost  parallel  to  the  main  Orient 
Express  route,  and  which,  by  uniting  Tchirpan 
with  the  main  line,  will  thus  shorten  the  journey 
from  Sofia  to  Varna  by  about  four  hours.  Both  the 
commercial  and  strategical  advantages  of  these  lines 
to  Bulgaria  are  obvious  to  any  reader  who  glances  at 
the  map  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  Whilst  the  railway 
which  is  destined  to  unite  Sofia  with  Widin  and  Lom 
Palanka  on  the  Danube  will  increase  the  chance  of 
building  the  long  talked  of  Danube  Bridge  at  one  or 
other  of  these  towns,  the  line  connecting  Tirnovo  with 
Eski  Zagora  will  enable  troops  to  be  rapidly  con- 
veyed from  Northern  to  Southern  Bulgaria,  or  vice 
versa,  without  being  compelled  to  pass  through  Sofia. 
Although  the  Bulgarians  have  gained,  and  will  gain, 
many  advantages  from  the  recognition  of  the  new  status 
of  the  Kingdom,  yet  the  declaration  of  independence 
will  undoubtedly  carry  with  it  certain  considerable  dis- 
adavntages.  Since  January  ist,  1907,  a  Commercial 
Treaty — drawn  up  in  amplification  of  the  arrangement 
entered  into  in  December,  1900 — has  existed  between 
Bulgaria  and  Turkey.  By  this  treaty,  which  it  was 
arranged  should  remain  in  force  until  one  of  its  two 
signatories  should  give  a  year's  notice  to  terminate  the 
agreement,  certain  articles  were  allowed  to  be  imported 
reciprocally  into  both  Turkey  and  Bulgaria  free  of  duty, 
whilst  other  merchandise  was  only  to  be  subjected  to 
reduced  taxation.  Bulgarian  goods,  too,  which  were 
being  transported  to  the  sea  by  way  of  Turkey,  whether 
they  were  unloaded  or  not,  were  not  to  be  subject  to 
any  duty.     The  Bulgarians  did  not  wish  to  alter  this 


302         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

treaty  after  the  recognition  of  their  independence,  but 
the  Turks — perhaps  backed  up  by  some  of  those 
countries  which  produce  the  same  things  as  Turkey  or 
Bulgaria,  and  which,  therefore,  object  to  agreements 
between  these  two  countries  which  are  detrimental  to 
foreign  interests — have  given  notice  to  terminate  the 
agreement.  During  the  winter  of  1909-10  a  consider- 
able amount  of  correspondence  was  exchanged  between 
the  Government  of  Sofia  and  the  Sublime  Porte  as  to 
the  date  of  the  termination  of  the  treaty.  The  Ottoman 
Government  held  that  the  agreement  was  intended  to 
be  automatically  terminated  one  year  after  the  recogni- 
tion of  Bulgarian  independence.  The  Bulgarian 
Government  on  its  part  argued  that  a  year*s  notice 
was  necessary.  As  a  compromise  it  was  agreed  that 
the  commercial  arrangement  should  continue  in  force 
until  the  close  of  the  year  19 10. 

As  the  Turks  make  use  of  a  considerable  quantity 
of  Bulgarian  produce — produce  on  which  the  consumer 
will  probably  have  to  pay  the  increased  import  tax  if 
such  an  increase  be  enforced — they  may  not,  at  present 
at  any  rate,  wish  to  make  any  important  alterations  in 
the  terms  of  the  treaty.  If,  however,  Asia  Minor  is 
ever  developed  by  a  satisfactory  system  of  railways, 
conditions  will  be  changed.  Under  these  circumstances, 
not  only  will  Bulgaria  have  to  face  a  powerful  com- 
petitor in  the  Constantinople  market,  but  the  Turks, 
not  being  compelled  to  consider  the  disadvantages  to 
the  consumer  consequent  upon  an  increased  tariff,  will 
be  able  to  tax  more  heavily  goods  imported  from 
Bulgaria.  The  Bulgarians  will  naturally  retaliate  by 
raising  the  import  duties  upon  Turkish  goods. 
Although  this  method  of  revenge  may  be  a  repayment 
as  far  as  the  Government  is  concerned,  yet  it  will  not 
refund  the  individual  producer  or  consumer  the  losses 
which  he  is  almost  certain  to  sustain. 

As   a   result   of   the   independence   of   Bulgaria,    the 


THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF  BULGARIA      303 

Budget  of  the  Kingdom  will  almost  certainly  have  to 
be  increased.  It  is  probable  that  the  country  will  be 
called  upon  to  provide  its  Tsar  with  a  larger  Civil  List, 
and  extra  expense  must  almost  certainly  be  incurred  on 
account  of  the  increased  salaries  which  will  have  to  be 
paid  to  many  of  the  diplomats,  and  other  officials  abroad. 
In  order  to  realise  the  relative  importance  of  the 
advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  change  brought 
about  in  the  status  of  the  country,  it  is  necessary  to 
consider  the  various  amounts  which  Bulgaria  has  paid, 
or  is  still  paying,  for  her  independence,  and  to  compare 
them  with  the  sum  of  the  actual  amounts  which  she 
paid  to  Turkey  as  tribute  for  Eastern  Roumelia,  added 
to  the  profits  which  she  gains  from  the  railway  and 
other  institutions  taken  over  from  Turkey.  As  I  have 
already  said,  Bulgaria  is  to  pay  4,020,000  francs  annu- 
ally to  Russia  for  seventy-five  years.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Bulgarian  Government  has  now  either  escaped 
paying  annually  to  Turkey  for  Eastern  Roumelia  and 
for  the  Vakarel-Bellova  line,  or  receives  as  a  direct 
income  from  what  she  has  purchased  over  5,350,000 
francs.  Although  the  difference  between  the  amount 
gained  and  paid  by  Bulgaria  is  not  clear  profit  to  the 
Government  (certain  extras  have,  as  I  have  said,  been 
paid  to  Turkey  and  to  Russia),  yet,  as  the  5,350,000 
francs  were  calculated  on  the  return  of  the  first  year 
after  the  declaration  of  independence,  it  shows,  when 
the  railways  pay  even  better  than  they  did  at  first,  or 
do  at  present,  and  when  preferential  railway  tariffs 
have  been  arranged  in  order  to  encourage  the  export 
of  all  produce  by  way  of  Varna  and  Bourgas  instead  of 
via  Adrianople,  that  the  independence  will,  even  during 
the  seventy-five  years  of  indebtedness  to  Russia,  prove 
a  direct  financial  advantage  to  the  country. » 

*  On  December  15th,  1910,  M.  Liaptchef  stated  in  the  Sobranye  that 
although  Bulgaria  is  making  an  annual  payment  of  4,020,000  francs  to 
Russia,  she  is  saving  under  various  headings,  as  a  result  of  her  inde- 
pendence, about  6,000,000  francs  a  year. 


304         THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

Although  the  new  status  of  Bulgaria  has  been  recog- 
nised by  Turkey  and  by  the  Great  Powers,  and  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  the  reigning  monarch  has  assumed 
the  title  of  Tsar  of  the  Bulgarians,  yet,  according  to 
the  terms  of  the  Constitution  drawn  up  in  1879  and 
amended  by  the  fourth  Grand  National  Assembly  which 
met  in  1893,  Bulgaria  is  still  a  Principality.  In  order 
to  alter  the  clauses  of  the  Constitution  which  speak  of 
Bulgaria  as  a  Principality  and  which  describe  the  Tsar 
as  a  Prince,  or  to  substitute  new  sections  for  those 
which  are  not  now  suitable  for  the  Government  of  the 
new  Bulgaria,  a  Grand  National  Assembly  must  be 
convoked  by  King  Ferdinand.  For  the  purpose  of 
assembling  this  special  body  (which  is  composed  of 
twice  as  many  members  as  the  ordinary  Sobranye)  a 
dissolution  of  the  present  Parliament,  which  was  elected 
in  1908,  would  be  required.  The  Grand  National 
Assembly  might  probably  only  sit  a  short  time,  and 
an  ordinary  General  Election  would  then  be  necessary. 
As  it  is  uncertain  whether  in  case  of  a  dissolution  the 
Tsar  would  nominate  a  member  of  the  Democratic  party 
— ^now  in  power — as  Prime  Minister,  and  as  whatever 
party  is  chosen  by  King  Ferdinand  to  take  over  the 
reins  of  Government  will  be  faced  by  two  consecutive 
elections,  in  the  second  of  which  it  might  not  obtain  a 
majority,  it  is  obvious  that  the  present  Ministers  will 
do  their  utmost  to  delay  the  convocation  of  the  National 
Assembly  as  long  as  possible.  The  Tsar,  too,  will 
endeavour  to  put  off  a  dissolution  until  he  thinks  that 
the  party  leader  to  whom  he  desires  to  entrust  the 
responsibility  of  the  Government  possesses  sufficient 
influence  to  secure  a  majority  in  the  country.  These 
difficulties  will,  however,  have  to  be  overcome  ere  long 
(the  life  of  the  present  Parliament,  elected  in  1908  for 
five  years,  does  not  expire  till  19 13),  as  it  would 
obviously  be  quite  unconstitutional  to  crown  King 
Ferdinand  as  Tsar  of  the  Bulgarians,  so  long  as  he  is 


THE   INDEPENDENCE   OF  BULGARIA      305 

described   in   the   Constitution  as   a  hereditary   prince, 
and  not  a  king. 

Although  the  more  immediate  questions  between 
Turkey  and  Bulgaria  are  now  settled,  yet  there  are 
several  important  problems  which  still  have  to  be  solved 
before  the  two  countries  can  be  permanently  allied  to  one 
another  by  real  bonds  of  friendship.  In  addition  to  the 
ever-burning  Macedonian  Question — ^viewed  in  different 
lights  by  the  various  political  parties  in  Bulgaria — and 
the  problem  of  where  the  Turkish  and  Bulgarian  rail- 
ways shall  be  united,  in  order  to  provide  direct  com- 
munication between  Bulgaria  and  the  Mediterranean, 
both  of  which  questions  I  have  already  discussed, 
various  difficulties  concerning  the  nationaHty  of  Bul- 
garians have  still  to  be  overcome.  A  new  commercial 
treaty,  the  terms  of  which  are  to  be  settled  by  a 
Turko -Bulgarian  Commission,  has  yet  to  be  drawn  up, 
and  the  exact  position  of  certain  portions  of  the  Turko - 
Bulgarian  frontier  has  to  be  definitely  decided.  In 
addition,  the  question  of  the  vakoufs  in  Bulgaria— the 
claims  concerning  which  have  been  subjected  to 
examination  by  a  special  commission  appointed  for  that 
purpose — has  yet  to  be  settled. 

The  change  in  the  legal  relationship  of  Bulgarians 
towards  Turkey,  caused  by  the  recognition  of  Bulgaria 
as  a  Kingdom,  raises  one  of  the  most  important 
problems  which  has  yet  to  be  permanently  and  satis- 
factorily settled  between  Turkey  and  Bulgaria.  Prior 
to  the  declaration  of  independence,  as  all  Bulgarians 
were  the  subjects  of  a  State  owing  at  least  a  nominal 
allegiance  to  Turkey,  the  question  of  the  nationality 
of  the  Bulgarians  did  not  arise  between  the  two 
countries.  It  is  conceivable  that  in  the  past  a  Mace- 
donian—according to  Bulgarian  law  naturalised  as  ja 
Bulgarian,  but  still  considered  by  the  Turks  to  be  an 
Ottoman  subject— would  do  his  military  service  in 
Bulgaria,    whilst   the    Exarchist    community   still    con- 

20 


306         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

tinued  to  pay  the  exemption  tax  due  for  him  as  a 
Christian  Ottoman  in  lieu  of  military  service.  In  other 
words,  although  Bulgaria  had  naturalised  him  as  a 
citizen,  Turkey  could  claim  him  by  reason  of  his  birth 
and  residence  on  Turkish  soil  and  of  his  original  sub- 
jection. Moreover,  in  such  a  case  the  provisions  of 
the  law  of  each  country  would  apply,  that  a  naturalisa- 
tion in  any  other  country,  without  the  consent  of  the 
country  of  which  the  person  was  a  subject  previous  to 
naturalisation,  was  invalid. 

Owing  to  the  independence  of  Bulgaria  it  is  obvious 
that  a  man  cannot  be  both  an  Ottoman  and  a  Bulgarian 
subject.  In  the  future,  therefore,  in  view  of  the  new 
military  law  in  Turkey,  it  is  clear  that  the  Bulgarian 
naturalised  as  such  without  the  permission  of  the 
Ottoman  Government,  may  be  compelled  to  undertake 
the  burdens  of  conscription  in  his  own  country,  and 
also  may  be  liable  for  military  service  in  Turkey. 
This  contingency  would  arise  because,  as  I  have  already 
said,  according  to  the  Sublime  Porte,  the  man  in 
question  cannot  be  naturalised  without  the  consent  of 
the  Turkish  Government,  and  he  is  therefore  still  an 
Ottoman.  The  result  of  not  presenting  himself  to  the 
Turkish  authorities  at  the  proper  time  in  order  to  join 
the  colours  could,  especially  if  he  possessed  property 
in  Macedonia,  hardly  be  otherwise  than  disastrous  to 
the  interests  of  the  Bulgarian  in  question. 

The  nationality  question  is  also  pnDSsessed  of  im- 
portance owing  to  the  manner  in  which  it  may  affect 
the  possession  of  and  the  succession  to  real  property 
in  Turkey.  According  to  a  law  known  as  that  of  the 
Seventh  Sefir  passed  in  1869,  foreigners  were  to  be 
allowed  to  enjoy  the  right  of  landed  proprietorship  on 
the  same  conditions  as  Ottoman  subjects.  This  law 
granted  the  privilege  of  ownership  of  real  property 
to  the  subjects  of  all  the  Powers  who  adopted  it.  At 
the  same  time  it  was  enacted  that  all  real  property  thus 


THE   INDEPENDENCE   OF   BULGARIA      307 

owned  was  to  be  governed  by  Ottoman  law,  and  not 
according  to  the  laws  of  the  foreigner  who  owned  it. 
In  other  words,  the  foreigner  was  to  become  an  Ottoman 
subject  in  all  that  related  to  the  ownership  of  real 
property . 

But  according  to  Turkish  law  a  Christian  of  one 
nationality  cannot  succeed  to  the  real  property  of  a 
Christian  of  another,  and,  therefore,  should  an  Ottoman 
subject  (in  this  case  a  Bulgarian)  die  and  his  or  heir 
heir  be  a  naturalised  or  a  native-born  Bulgarian,  there 
will  be  difficulties  about  the  succession  and  the  property 
will  be  confiscated  by  Turkey.  These  rules  of  Turkish 
succession,  although  nominally  applicable  to  the  subjects 
of  all  the  Great  Powers,  have  never  been  recognised  by 
them  and  give  rise  to  constant  disputes. 

As  a  result  of  the  negotiations  entered  into  between 
Bulgaria  and  Turkey  concerning  the  nationality 
question,  a  temporary  arrangement  was  agreed  upon 
in  June,  1910,  which  was  to  remain  in  force  until  a 
permanent  convention  between  the  two  countries  should 
have  been  concluded.  In  addition  to  the  minor  details 
concerning  passports  and  other  things,  it  has  been 
arranged  that  Bulgarians  who  have  left  Turkey  and 
become  Bulgarian  subjects  should  not  be  deprived  of 
their  property  in  the  Ottoman  Empire.  If  this  arrange- 
ment had  not  been  made,  these  Bulgarians  of  Turkey 
would  have  lost  the  property  coming  to  them  from 
Bulgarian  relations  who  had  become  Bulgarian  subjects. 
At  the  same  time  (June,  1910)  the  Turkish  Govern- 
ment recognised  the  right  of  Bulgarian  subjects  to 
possess  real  property  in  Turkey,  as  long  as  the  right 
to  that  property  was  acquired  before  the  recognition  of 
Bulgarian  independence,  or,  in  other  words,  whilst  the 
Bulgarian  was  still  officially  an  Ottoman  subject. 
Property  possessed  by  Bulgarians  may,  however,  only 
be  sold  to  Turkish  subjects  and  to  foreigners  of  such 
nations  who,  in  accordance  with  the  national  conven- 


308         THE    DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

tions,    are    endowed    with    the    right    of    owning  real 
property  in  Turkey. 

When  considering  the  advantages  and  disadvantages 
accruing  to  Bulgaria  from  her  declaration  of  independ- 
ence, foreign  critics  and  Bulgarian  politicians  alike  will 
do  well  to  remember  that  it  is  easier  to  find  fault  with 
the  manner  in  which  that  independence  was  declared 
than  it  was  to  make  the  arrangements  for  that 
declaration.  There  are  men  in  Bulgaria  who  believe 
that  the  change  in  the  status  of  the  country  might  have 
been  accomplished  with  less  expense  than  that  which 
was  actually  incurred,  and  that  the  railway  ought  not 
to  have  been  occupied  until  the  independence  of 
Bulgaria  had  been  formally  recognised.  These  people 
contend  that  the  line  could  then  have  been  bought  for 
a  smaller  price  than  42,000,000  francs.  However, 
this  may  be,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  when  the 
section  of  the  Oriental  Railway  Company  was  hurriedly 
seized  by  the  Bulgarian  Government  in  September, 
1908,  nobody  could  foresee  what  would  be  the  termina- 
tion of  the  events  which  occurred  subsequent  to  the 
annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  and  to  the  inde- 
pendence of  Bulgaria.  If  the  declaration  of  independ- 
ence had  been  made  in  August  or  September,  1908 — 
weeks  before  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina 
was  effected — the  event  would  probably  have  been 
attended  with  far  more  expensive  results  to  Bulgaria 
than  the  payment  of  an  annuity  to  Russia  extending 
over  seventy-five  years,  which  amounts  to  less  than  one 
franc  per  year  for  every  head  of  the  population  of  the 
newly -created  Kingdom. 


XII 
SERVIA,   MONTENEGRO,   AND   BOSNIA   IN   1910 

The  position  of  the  Karageorgevitch  Dynasty  in  Servia — The  question 
of  the  accession  to  the  Servian  throne— Servian  railway  develop- 
ment— The  difficulties  of  an  entente  between  Servia  and 
Bulgaria — The  existing  relationship  between  Servia  and  Mon- 
tenegro— Abolition  of  the  restrictions  imposed  upon  Montenegro 
by  the  29th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin — The  Montenegrin 
Jubilee — The  changes  effected  in  Bosnia  owing  to  annexation  by 
the  Dual  Monarchy — Some  details  of  the  Bosnian  Constitution. 

The  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  by  Austria, 
which  was  effected  on  October  7th,  1908,  has  brought 
about  but  few  changes  in  Servia  and  Montenegro,  or, 
in  fact^  in  the  provinces  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina 
themselves.  Whilst  both  the  Servians  and  the  Montene- 
grins have,  for  the  present  at  least,  been  compelled 
to  give  up  all  idea  of  securing  a  strip  of  territory  which 
would  unite  the  two  countries  and  which  would  make 
it  possible  to  construct  the  great  Danube-Adriatic 
Railway  entirely  through  the  two  Slav  Kingdoms,  the 
annexation  has  extended  the  domains  directly  under  the 
sovereign  rule  of  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  to  the 
very  frontier  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  Now  that  the 
status  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  is  permanently  settled 
the  Austrians  can  still  further  improve  their  lines  of 
communication  in  these  provinces.  The  Government 
of  the  Dual  Monarchy  may  even  consider  it  worth 
while  to  relay  at  least  some  of  the  railways  of  Bosnia 
on   the  normal   continental   gauge.      If   this   course  is 

309 


310         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

adopted  for  the  lines  which  connect  Serajevo  with  Jaitza 
and  with  Uvac  respectively,  all  that  would  be  required 
to  provide  through  railway  communication  between 
Vienna  and  Salonika,  without  passing  through  Servia, 
is  the  construction  of  the  short  section  of  railway  from 
Banjaluka  to  Jaitza — about  forty-five  miles,  and  the 
building  of  a  line  from  Uvac  to  Mitrovitza — about  140 
miles.  Whether  Austrian  troops  have  been  permanently 
or  only  temporarily  withdrawn  from  the  Sanjak  of  Novi 
Bazaar,  and  whether  this  evacuation  was  effected  as 
a  recompense  to  Turkey  for  the  loss  of  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina  or  for  other  reasons,  in  either  case  it  is 
possible  that  the  Austrians  might  again  revive  their 
claim  to  build  the  railway  from  Uvac  to  Mitrovitza 
through  this  at  one  time  much  talked  of  district. 

Since  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  I 
have  paid  two  visits  to  Servia.  When  I  left  Belgrade 
during  the  acute  crisis  which  followed  the  annexation, 
everybody  was  talking  of  hostilities  and  preparing  for 
war.  At  the  time  of  my  return  to  the  Servian  capital, 
more  than  a  year  afterwards,  it  was  almost  inconceiv- 
able that  a  people  who  once  appeared  to  have  their 
national  aspirations  so  deeply  at  heart  had  decided  to 
resume  their  every-day  life  as  if  no  crisis  had  ever 
occurred.  Nevertheless,  whatever  may  be  said  against 
the  Servians  for  the  turmoil  which  they  undoubtedly 
caused  in  the  world  of  European  politics  between 
October,  1908,  and  the  spring  of  1909,  it  is  certain 
had  the  statesmen  of  King  Peter  not  received  consider- 
able moral  encouragement  from  at  least  some  of  the 
Great  Powers  that  the  crisis  would  have  been  much 
less  prolonged.  That  war  was  averted  at  all  is  probably 
largely  due  to  the  influence  of  M.  Milovanovitch,  the 
able  Servian  Foreign  Minister,  who  was  himself  the 
recipient  of  so  many  friendly  assurances  during  his 
European  tour  in  the  autumn  of  1908. 

Since    the    spring    of     1909    the    attention    of    the 


M.    MILOVAXOVITCH,    FOREIGN    M1>JISTER   OF    SERVIA, 


To  lace  p.  310. 


•^  c        *      \    • 


SERYIA,  MONTENEGRO,   BOSNIA  IN  1910      311 

people  of  Servia  has  been,  for  the  most  part,  devoted 
to  the  position  occupied  by  the  various  members  of 
the  Karageorgevitch  family,  to  the  improvement  of  the 
Servian  Army,  and  to  the  construction  of  railways.  The 
uncertain  position  of  King  Peter  upon  the  throne,  a 
danger  but  little  considered  during  the  crisis  of  1908 
and  1909,  has  once  more  become  a  burning  ques- 
tion in  Servia.  There  are  many  Servians  with 
whom  the  King  is  far  from  popular.  Some  of  these 
citizens  desire  to  induce  a  foreign  and,  if  possible, 
a  British  prince  to  accept  the  throne,  whilst  others 
think  the  Crown  might  advantageously  be  offered  to 
a  member  of  the  Montenegrin  Royal  Family.  The 
conduct  of  King  Peter's  eldest  son,  the  ex-Crown  Prince 
George,  renders  the  situation  more  acute.  Since  the 
unfortunate  event — the  death  of  one  of  his  servants 
— which  precipitated  his  retirement  in  favour  of  his 
brother  Alexander  in  March,  1909,  Prince  George  has 
occupied  the  position  of  a  sort  of  rival  Crown  Prince  in 
Servia.  ' 

During  the  many  months  which  intervened  between 
the  declaration  of  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina by  Austria,  and  the  final  recognition  by  the 
Great  Powers  of  this  infringement  of  the  Treaty  of 
Berlin,  Prince  George  by  his  violent  attitude  towards 
the  Austrians  aroused  the  sympathy  of  a  certain  number 
of  Servians.  Partly  as  a  consequence  of  this,  his 
Royal  Highness,  who  has  a  strong  following  in  the  Army, 
is  now  also  surrounded  by  a  considerable  number  of 
non -military  supporters.  Besides,  as  he  either  really 
is,  or  at  least,  for  political  purposes,  he  pretends  to 
be,  possessed  of  anti-regicide  sympathies,  the  Prince 
is  in  favour  with  the  Conservative  and  Liberal  members 
of  the  Skupshtina,  as  well  as  with  many  Radicals  who 
would  rally  round  him  should  an  opportune  moment 
for  taking  decisive  action  arise.  The  regicides  on  their 
part   are   determined   to   endeavour   to   exclude   Prince 


312         THE  DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

George  from  the  throne  at  all  costs.  In  spite  of  this 
his  Royal  Highness,  who  fully  realises  the  possibilities 
of  the  situation,  will  not  fail  to  turn  them  to  his  own 
advantage  on  the  first  favourable  opportunity. 

At  the  present  moment  if  Prince  Alexander  were 
to  die,  it  is  a  vexed  question  whether  Prince  George 
would  again  become  heir  to  the  throne,  or  whether 
Paul,  son  of  Prince  Arsene  and,  therefore,  nephew  of 
King  Peter,  would  officially  be  the  Crown  Prince.  The 
gravity  of  the  situation  became  more  than  ever  apparent 
during  the  recent  illness  of  Prince  Alexander,  when 
the  Servian  papers  openly  discussed  who  would  be  the 
rightful  successor  to  the  throne  in  case  of  the  death 
of  Prince  Alexander.  The  anti -regicide  organs  de- 
clared in  favour  of  Prince  George,  whilst  their 
opponents  supported  the  claim  of  Prince  Paul — a  boy 
of  about  seventeen,  who  is  very  popular  in  Servia. 
Had  the  country  made  Prince  George  a  small  but 
adequate  allowance,  or  were  King  Peter  reasonably 
generous  to  his  son,  the  ex-Crown  Prince  might  have 
been  persuaded  to  live  abroad,  which,  at  least  for  the 
present,  would  have  diminished  the  difficulties  of  the 
situation  in  Servia. 

Notwithstanding  the  calm  which  at  present  exists, 
it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  Servians  have  for 
ever  given  up  all  idea  of  national  aggrandisement.  In 
spite  of  the  first  discouragement  amongst  the  people, 
brought  about  by  the  annexation  of  Bosnia,  Servia, 
perhaps  the  most  important  barrier  in  the  way  of  an 
Austrian  advance  towards  Salonika,  fully  realises  the 
danger  of  her  situation,  and  is  arming  herself  in  order 
to  be  able  to  meet  it.  Although  in  1908  the  Servians 
possessed  a  tolerably  efficient  and  well-equipped  Army 
and  could  probably  have  placed  230,000  men  in  the 
field  in  case  of  war,  yet  since  the  termination  of  the 
crisis  extensive  measures  have  been  taken  to  increase 
its  effectiveness.    The  Servian  Government,  which  since 


SERVIA,  MONTENEGRO,   BOSNIA  IN    1910      313 

the  year  1906  has  expended  about  £2,720,000  upon 
war  suppHes,  has  now  allotted  about  £2,160,000,  mostly 
from  the  loan  of  the  year  19 10,  to  cover  the  expense 
of  rearmament.  Reservists  of  the  second  ban  have 
been  called  up  by  classes  for  ten  days'  training,  a  course 
of  instruction  for  artillery  officers  has  been  instituted, 
a  shooting  school  (somewhat  resembling  ours  at  Hythe) 
has  been  formed,  divisional  manoeuvres  and  cavalry 
exercises  have  been  carried  out,  and  arrangements  have 
been  made  to  enlarge  the  reserve  of  officers.  In 
addition  to  these  improvements,  which  have  already 
been  introduced,  it  has  been  decided  that  the  peace 
Army  shall  be  increased  from  five  to  eight  divisions, 
anxi  that  cadres  for  all  the  reserve  regiments  of  the 
active  Army  shall  be  formed.  Servia,  like  all  other 
small  European  countries,  now  as  in  the  past,  is  placed 
in  the  difficult  position  of  being  compelled  either  to 
invite  the  Great  Powers  of  Europe  to  guarantee  her 
integrity,  or  to  expend  a  sum  out  of  all  proportion 
to  her  national  revenue  in  order  to  safeguard  her  in- 
terests. Much  as  the  changes  which  I  have  described 
in  the  Servian  Army  were  required,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  the  advisers  of  King  Peter,  in  trying  to  prepare 
for  the  defence  of  the  country,  will  be  moderate  in 
their  policy,  and  that  the  people,  on  whom  the  burden 
of  heavy  taxation  must  fall,  will  not  insist  that  war 
shall  be  waged  in  order  that  they  may  discern  some 
return  for  the  sacrifices  which  they  have  made. 

The  Servian  Government  is  now  and  has  of  late  been 
devoting  large  sums  of  money  to  railway  development. 
At  the  present  time  three  distinct  kinds  of  railways 
are  under  construction — lines  built  on  the  normal  con- 
tinental gauge,  narrow-gauge  railways  and  departmental 
lines.  Whilst  the  expense  of  the  railways  which  come 
under  the  first  two  of  these  categories  is  born  by  the 
State,  those  classed  under  the  third  heading  are  con- 
structed by  the  departmental  authorities  out  of  loans, 


314         THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

the  interest  upon  which  is  guaranteed  by  some  local 
tax.  The  most  important  normal  gauge  railway  which 
is  at  present  under  construction  is  the  one  which  is 
being  built  from  Raduevatz,  on  the  Danube,  to  Saitchar, 
in  Eastern  Servia.  This  line,  which  should  be  open 
in  191 1,  is  eventually  to  be  prolonged  to  Nish,  by  way 
of  Kriajevatz.  When  this  work  has  been  completed 
a  large  part  of  the  Servian  section  of  the  proposed 
Danube-Adriatic  Railway  will  already  be  finished.  The 
most  important  narrow-gauge  lines  under  construction 
are  two  which  run  from  the  main  Orient  Express  route 
in  a  westerly  direction  towards  the  frontier  of  Bosnia. 
The  first  of  these  leaves  the  Eastern  Highway  at 
Maidonovatz,  and  goes  as  far  as  Valievo,  a  distance 
of  nearly  sixty  miles.  This  line  has  an  important  branch 
which  connects  it  with  Obrenovatz,  on  the  southern 
bank  of  the  River  Save,  and  opens  up  a  district  of 
Servia  hitherto  inaccessible  by  railway.  Valievo  is 
distant  from  the  Bosnian  frontier  but  forty  miles,  and 
might  easily  be  united  with  Simin  Han,  in  Bosnia, 
should  the  Austrians  decide  to  build  a  railway  from  that 
town  to  Zvornik  on  the  frontier.  A  second  narrow- 
gauge  line  unites  Stalatz,  on  the  railway  between 
Belgrade  and  Nish,  with  Ushitza,  in  Western  Servia. 
The  terminus  of  this  line,  part  of  which  is  already  open 
to  traffic,  will  be  situated  only  about  twenty  miles 
to  the  eastward  of  Vardishte,  which  is  already  connected 
by  rail  with  Serajevo  by  way  of  Visegrad.  Several  depart- 
mental lines  unite  the  southern  banks  of  the  Save  and 
the  Danube  respectively  with  different  towns  in  Servia. 
Before  my  last  visit  to  Belgrade,  I  had  heard  from 
the  statesmen  of  the  neighbouring  countries  a  great 
deal  about  the  proposed  "  Balkan  Union."  Among  the 
official  classes  in  Belgrade  I  found  that  the  **  Balkan 
Entente  *'  as  far  as  it  concerned  Servia  and  Bulgaria, 
was  considered  to  be  a  desirable  arrangement,  which, 
however,    under    the    circumstances    could    hardly    be 


SERVIA,  MONTENEGRO,  BOSNIA  IN   1910      315 

attained.  Although  relations  with  Bulgaria  are  correct, 
yet  there  is  no  sincere  friendship  between  the  two 
countries.  Such  is  the  real  feeling  of  antagonism,  that 
while  he  is  in  Servia  the  traveller  becomes  most 
unpopular  if  he  even  ventures  to  praise  anything 
Bulgarian,  whatever  it  may  be.  Any  criticism,  too, 
of  the  actions  of  King  Ferdinand,  which  appears  in  the 
Bulgarian  Press,  is  assiduously  copied  by  the  Servian 
papers.  These  feelings  are  more  or  less  reciprocated 
at  Sofia,  but  the  Bulgarian  certainly  dislikes  the  Servian 
less  than  he  is  disliked  by  him.  Servian  statesmen,  too, 
fully  realise  that  at  present  it  is  impossible  for  them 
to  advocate  or  to  support  any  arrangement  with  Bulgaria 
which  would  be  looked  upon  with  disfavour  in  Turkey. 
Provided,  therefore,  that  the  Servians  and  the  Bulgarians 
were  able  to  arrive  at  some  compromise  concerning  the 
Macedonian  Question,  in  so  far  as  it  affects  each  of 
them,  and  even  if  Bulgaria  were  really  sincere  in  her 
professed  desire  for  friendship  with  her  Slav  neighbour, 
it  is  obvious  that  she  can  provide  Servia  with  but 
few  advantages  in  exchange  for  the  risk  of  losing  the 
facility  of  importing  and  exporting  goods  by  way  of 
Turkey.  Owing  to  the  never  ceasing  danger  of  a 
recurrence  of  strained  relations  between  Servia  and 
the  Dual  Monarchy,  the  Servians  have  found  a  new 
market  in  Egypt  for  a  large  portion  of  their  goods. 
The  fact  that  cattle  are  now  exported  by  way  of 
Salonika,  where  special  arrangements  have  been  made 
for  their  reception  and  isolation  pending  their  shipment 
to  Alexandria,  renders  Servia  now  almost  as  dependent 
upon  the  goodwill  of  Turkey  as  she  formerly  was  upon 
that  of  Austria. 

Not  only  are  the  Servians  and  the  Bulgarians  divided 
by  barriers  which  it  will  be  difficult  to  break  down, 
but  the  relationship  which  exists  between  the  people  of 
Servia  and  those  of  Montenegro,  and  particularly 
between   the   royal   houses   of   these   two   countries,    is 


316         THE  DANGER   ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

none  too  cordial.  Since  Montenegro  has  been  pro- 
claimed a  kingdom,  and  has  been  accepted  as  such  in 
Europe,  these  feelings  of  antagonism,  which  had  been 
more  or  less  in  abeyance  during  the  international  crisis 
of  1908  and  1909,  have  again  become  more  acute. 
So  strong  were  these  sentiments  in  Belgrade  at  the  time 
of  the  jubilee  of  King  Nicholas,  that  at  first  it  was 
doubtful  whether  the  Servian  royal  house  would  be 
represented  at  all  during  the  festivities  at  Cettinje. 
Finally,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  King  Ferdinand  of 
Bulgaria  had  signified  his  intention  of  going  to  Monte- 
negro in  person,  King  Peter  only  sent  the  Crown  Prince, 
who  arrived  on  the  very  eve  of  the  great  proclamation. 
"  The  royal  houses  of  Servia  and  Montenegro  hate 
one  another  partly  because  King  Peter  did  not  receive 
what  he  considered  to  be  his  due  when,  before  he 
ascended  the  throne  of  Servia,  he  married  the  eldest 
daughter  of  King  Nicholas.  Moreover,  Prince  Mirko 
of  Montenegro  contracted  an  alliance  which  was  not 
popular  amongst  certain  sections  of  Servian  society 
when  he  married,  in  1902,  Princess  Natalie  Constan- 
tinovitch,  who  is  the  nearest  representative  of  the 
Obrenovitch  dynasty.  King  Nicholas,  too,  always 
thought  that  a  bomb  which  was  discovered  in  Monte- 
negro had  been  sent  there  by  the  King  of  Servia,  or 
at  least  with  his  cognisance.  This  was  probably  un- 
true, but  at  the  time  the  idea  was  fanned  by  Austria, 
whose  policy  in  the  past  has  been  to  endeavour  to  cause 
enmity  between  Servia  and  Montenegro. 

Few  visible  changes  have  been  eff"ected  in  Monte- 
negro since  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina, 
and  these  changes,  such  as  they  are,  for  the  present, 
at  any  rate,  carry  with  them  moral  rather  than  material 
advantage  to  the  people  of  the  State.  Although  by 
the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  the  independence  of  Montenegro 
was  recognised  by  the  Great  Powers,  yet  according  to 
the  29th  Article  of  that  document  the  Austrian  Govern- 


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KING   NICHOLAS  I.    OF   MONTENEGRO. 


To  face  p.  316. 


SERVIA,    MONTENEGRO,   BOSNIA  IN  1910      317 

ment  acquired  the  right  to  police  the  Montenegrin 
coast  and  by  the  same  clause  Antivari  was  closed  to 
all  ships  of  war.  According,  however,  to  arrangements 
made  between  King  Nicholas  and  the  Austrian  Govern- 
ment, through  the  medium  of  Italy,  it  was  agreed  in 
April,  1909,  that  all  restrictions  thus  placed  upon  Monte- 
negro were  to  be  withdrawn,  and  that  although  Antivari 
was  to  retain  the  character  of  a  commercial  port,  and 
was  not  to  be  fortified,  yet  it  was  to  be  open  to  ships 
of  war.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  French  fleet  did  visit 
Montenegro  towards  the  close  of  1909. 

At  the  end  of  August,  19 10,  King  Nicholas  celebrated 
the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  his  accession  to  the  Monte- 
negrin throne,  and  at  the  same  time  followed  the 
example  of  King  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria,  by  proclaiming 
himself  king  of  the  people  over  whom  he  had  ruled 
with  such  cleverness,  wisdom,  and  bravery  for  fifty 
years.  Whether  or  not  this  declaration  was  made  for 
purely  personal  reasons  and  simply  to  increase  the 
status  of  Montenegro  from  that  of  a  principality  to 
that  of  a  kingdom,  or  whether  in  the  near  or  far  distant 
future  it  is  destined  to  be  of  any  political  importance 
to  Montenegro  or  to  Servia,  remains  to  be  proved. 
However  this  may  be,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
King  Nicholas  has  never  forgotten  the  losses  which  he 
sustained  by  the  substitution  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin 
for  that  of  San  Stefano,  and  that  the  great  Monte- 
negrin aspiration  is,  and  for  many  years  has  been,  to 
unite  the  two  southern  Slav  countries  under  one  ruler — 
a  Montenegrin.  Although,  too,  as  I  have  already  ex- 
plained, the  marriage  of  Prince  Mirko,  who  sooner  or 
later  will  probably  ascend  the  throne  of  Montenegro, 
is  unpopular  with  the  supporters  of  the  Karageorgevitch 
dynasty  in  Servia,  yet  owing  to  the  claim  which  this 
marriage  may  possibly  give  the  son  of  Prince  and 
Princess  Mirko  to  the  thrones  of  both  Servia  and 
Montenegro,  its  importance  must  never  be  overlooked. 


318         THE   DANGER  ZONE   OF  EUROPE 

Owing  to  their  annexation  by  Austria,  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina,  for  all  practical  purposes  united  to  the 
Dual  Monarchy  in  1878,  have  now  been  finally  separated 
from  the  Turkish  Empire.  For  this  reason  these 
provinces  do  not,  politically  speaking,  any  longer  form 
part  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  nor  are  they  connected 
with  the  changes  and  problems  in  the  Near  East,  ex- 
cept as  an  integral  portion  of  the  Dual  Monarchy. 
Consequently,  to  give  an  account  of  the  conditions  pre- 
vailing in  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  is  not  really  part  of 
the  object  of  this  book.  In  spite  of  this,  as,  geographic- 
ally speaking,  the  newly-acquired  Austrian  territory 
must  remain  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  and  as  a  large 
proportion  of  its  inhabitants  are  allied  by  ties  of  race 
and  religion  to  some  of  the  peoples  of  the  neighbouring 
countries,  I  will  recall  to  the  memory  of  my  readers 
a  few  of  the  events  which  have  recently  occurred  in 
the   now  annexed   Provinces. 

As  a  result  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina  were  occupied  by  Austria-Hungary.  A 
law  including  these  provinces  in  the  Austrian  customs 
union  was  passed  in  December,  1879.  The  adminis- 
tration of  this  territory  is  and  has  been  exercised  by 
the  Bosnian  Bureau  under  the  **  Common  "  Austro- 
Hungarian  Finance  Minister.  Military  service  was,  and 
is,  compulsory,  the  men  recruited  from  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina  forming  part  of  the  '*  Common  "  Army  of 
the  Dual  Monarchy.  Prior  to  the  annexation,  the  four 
Bosnian  regiments,  which  are  composed  of  Moslems 
as  well  as  Christians,  even  took  their  turn  of  duty  in 
different  parts  of  the  Empire  instead  of  always  being 
quartered  in  their  native  country. 

I  have  already  alluded  to  a  few  of  the  events  con- 
nected with  the  annexation,  and  I  have  mentioned  the 
sum  (£2,200,000)  which  was  paid  by  Austria  to  the 
Ottoman  Government  in  exchange  for  the  loss  of 
Turkish  suzerainty  over  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.     As 


SERYIA,    MONTENEGRO,  BOSNIA  IN  1910       319 

far  as  these  provinces  themselves  are  concerned,  but 
few  real  changes  have  at  present  been  effected  as  a 
result  of  their  altered  status.  The  future  position  to 
be  occupied  by  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  in  and  towards 
the  Dual  Monarchy  as  yet  remains  undecided.  The 
former  administrative  and  military  regulations  are  to 
remain  in  force  at  least  for  the  present. 

In  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  proclamation 
announcing  the  annexation,  in  February,  1910,  a  Con- 
stitution was  promulgated  for  Bosnia.  Subsequently, 
elections  took  place  and  the  Diet  was  opened  at 
Serajevo  on  June  15th.  Of  its  kind  this  Constitution 
is  little  short  of  perfect.  The  800,000  Bosniak  Serbs 
are  represented  by  thirty-one  elected  deputies,  and  by 
five  ex-officio  members  of  the  Diet.  The  Moslem 
element  of  the  population,  which  amounts  to  some- 
where between  500,000  and  600,000  souls,  is  voiced 
in  the  Bosnian  Assembly,  by  twenty-four  elected 
deputies  and  by  five  ex-officio  members.  The  Roman 
Catholic  Croats,  numbering  nearly  400,000  persons, 
possess  sixteen  deputies  and  seven  ex-officio  members, 
whilst  one  seat  is  reserved  for  a  representative  of  the 
Jews.  Perfect  as  this  Constitution,  which  nominally 
authorises  the  Diet  to  deal  with  all  provincial  matters, 
may  seem,  the  fact  remains  that  not  a  single  measure 
can  even  be  discussed  by  it  until  it  (the  measure)  has 
been  sanctioned  by  both  the  Austrian  and  Hungarian 
Cabinets.  The  veto  of  Austria  and  Hungary  in  Bosnian 
affairs  is  thus  in  reality  as  absolute  as  it  has  been 
since   1878. 

Prior  to  the  formal  recognition  of  the  annexation  by 
the  Great  Powers,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina  were  governed  by  Austria  against  the  will 
of  the  majority  of  their  inhabitants.  When  I  visited 
Serajevo  and  Mostar  during  the  crisis  which  occurred 
after  the  declaration  of  annexation  by  Austria,  I  foimd 
that  the  Servian  Orthodox  community  and  the  Moham- 


320         THE   DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

medan   population   were  agreed  in  common  hatred  of 
Austrian  rule  as  it  had  existed  in  the  past.     So  strong 
was  this  feeling  and  so  united  were  the  people  that  a 
few   weeks    before   the   declaration   of   annexation   was 
promulgated  a  committee  composed  of  Orthodox  Serbs 
and  of  Moslem  Bosniaks  presented  a  petition  to  Baron 
Buridn,  then  "  Common  "  Minister  of  Finance  for  Austria 
and  Hungary.     This  petition  asked  that  a  Constitution 
might   be   granted   to   the   provinces   without   changing 
their  status  as  defined  by  the  Treaty  of  Berlin.     The 
granting  of  the  Constitution  as  a  result  of  the  annexa- 
tion, by  nominally  giving  the  Bosniaks  a  voice  in  their 
own   affairs,    appears    to    have   made    the   majority   of 
the  people  realise  that,  for  the  present  at  least,  they 
must    endeavour   by   constitutional   means    to    improve 
the    condition    of    the    country    and    to    increase    the 
prosperity  of  its  inhabitants.     In  spite  of  this,  it  re- 
mains to  be  proved  whether  the  Bosnian  Diet,  hampered 
as  it  is  by  the  veto  of  Vienna  and  of  Buda  Pesth,  will 
be  able  to  combat  and  to  overcome  the  many  difficult 
problems   which  are  at  present  awaiting   solution. 

The  far  more  important  international  results  of  the 
annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  the  consequent 
reception  of  the  Dual  Monarchy  into  the  German  fold, 
the  hostility  which  has  been  stirred  up  between  Germany 
and  Russia,  the  rivalry  which  exists  between  the 
Triple  Entente  and  the  Triple  Alliance  concerning  the 
affairs  of  the  Near  East,  are  matters  which  cannot 
be  discussed  here.  It  remains  to  be  proved  whether, 
and  how  soon,  the  ill-feeling  caused  in  Austria  and 
Germany  by  the  outburst  of  British  and  Russian  in- 
dignation at  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina will  be  overcome,  and  if  not,  whether  the  affairs 
of  the  Near  East — that  **  Danger  Zone  of  Europe  " — 
will  or  will  not  be  the  scene  or  the  cause  of  a  disastrous 
war  in  the  future. 


POSTSCRIPT 

During  the  period  which  has  necessarily  intervened 
between  the  completion  of  the  manuscript  of  this  book 
and  the  final  revision  of  the  proofs  several  important 
events  have  occurred  in  Turkey.  Although,  owing  to 
lack  of  space,  I  am  not  able  to  give  my  readers  full 
details,  I  will  briefly  summarise  some  of  the  facts 
connected  with  the  latest  developments  of  the  Near 
Eastern  problem  in  order  that  when  this  volume 
appears  it  shall  deal  with  events  which  have  then  only 
just  taken  place.  For  the  purpose  of  making  these  notes 
the  more  clear  I  have  arranged  them  in  accordance 
with  the  order  of  the  chapters  to  which  they  refer  or 
in  which  the  events  with  which  they  deal  have  been 
foretold. 

The  New  Turkish  Loan, 

During  the  month  of  December,  1910,  the  Special 
Report  on  the  Ottoman  Public  Debt  for  1909-10, 
presented  to  the  British  and  Dutch  bondholders,  was 
published.  From  this  document,  drawn  up  as  it  is 
by  Sir  Adam  Block,  the  President  of  the  Council  of 
Administration,  I  have  taken  the  following  facts  con- 
cerning the  New  Loan  and  the  protracted  negotiations 
which  preceded  its  conclusion. 

In  July,  191  o,  negotiations  were  begun  in  Paris 
between  the  Ottoman  Minister  of  Finance  and  a  group 
of  French  financiers.  Djavid  Bey  finally  arranged  for 
a  Loan  amounting  to  £T  6, 00 0,0 00,  the  interest  being 
guaranteed    on    the    receipts    of    the    Constantinople 

21  a 


322  THE  DANGER  ZONE  OP  EUROPE 

Customs.  As  a  result  of  the  French  Government 
having  refused  its  consent  to  the  quotation  of  the  Loan 
on  the  Paris  Bourse  delays  occurred  and  the  Turkish 
Minister  of  Finance,  as  the  representative  of  the 
Government,  raised  money  to  the  amount  of 
£T 1, 5 00,000  on  Treasury  Bills.  After  negotiations, 
extending  over  many  weeks,  the  French  Government 
finally  endeavoured  to  impose  conditions  on  the 
Sublime  Porte  which  were  felt  in  Turkish  official  circles 
to  amount  to  the  intervention  of  a  foreign  Government 
in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Empire.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  had  the  Loan  been  concluded  in  Paris,  amongst 
other  things,  the  French  Government  was  to  have  a 
voice  in  appointing  at  least  two  officials  in  the  Ministry 
of  Finance,  and  certain  restrictions  were  also  to  be 
placed  upon  the  Turkish  Government  concerning  the 
proportion  of  orders  for  munitions  of  war  which  were 
to  be  given  in  France. 

iWhen  the  French  Market  was  closed  and  when 
London  financiers  had  withdrawn  from  the  negotiations 
the  Young  Turks  were  compelled  to  seek  assistance  in 
Germany  and  in  Austria.  Sir  Adam  Block,  in  his 
report,  states  that  on  November  9th,  1910,  **  the 
Turkish  Government  came  to  terms  with  a  strong  group 
of  German  and  Austrian  Banks  for  a  Loan  of 
£T 1 1,000,000.  The  Loan  is  divided  into  two  parts. 
The  first  part  is  a  Loan  for  £T7,o4o,ooo  at  4  per  cent, 
and  I  per  cent,  sinking  fund,  at  84  per  cent.,  less 
expenses  estimated  at  2 J  per  cent.,  on  the  Government. 
The  annuity  for  the  service  of  the  Loan,  amounting 
to  £T352,ooo,  is  secured  on  the  Customs  Revenue  of 
the  *  Vilayet '  of  Constantinople.  .  .  .  The  second  part 
is  a  Loan  for  £T3,96o,ooo  :at  84  per  cent.  The 
Syndicate  binds  itself  to  take  the  Loan  should  the 
Government  desire  it,  but  the  Government  is  free  to 
contract  the  Loan  elsewhere  if  they  can  obtain  a  higher 
rate  than  8i|  per  cent,  net.** 


POSTSCRIPT  323 

**At  the  same  time  the  Syndicate,  pending  the  issue 
of  the  Loan,  takes  Treasury  Bonds  from  November  i  5th 
for  £T 5, 5 00,000  at  5f  per  cent,  discount.  .  .  .  The 
Treasury  Bonds  are  to  be  redeemed  on  the  14th  of 
May,  191 1,  and  the  Government  have  the  right  to 
extend  the  date  of  redemption  to  the  14th  of  March, 
191 2,  in  which  case  the  discount  rate  is  to  be  reduced 
to   5  per  cent." 

The  Turkish  Army, 

Since  the  completion  of  my  chapter  upon  this  subject, 
it  has  transpired  that  a  scheme  for  at  least  the  nominal 
reorganisation  of  the  Turkish  Army  is  under  considera- 
tion. Instead  of  the  seven  Army  Corps  districts, 
each  of  which  was  supposed  to  provide,  but  never  did 
really  furnish,  the  Ottoman  Government  with  a;  com- 
plete Army  Corps,  it  is  reported  that  in  the  future, 
for  military  purposes,  the  Turkish  Empire  is  to  be 
divided  into  four  Inspectorate-Generals,  two  of  which 
will  probably  have  their  headquarters  in  European 
Turkey.  The  division,  which  is  to  be  the  highest 
organised  unit,  is  to  be  complete  in  infantry,  cavalry,, 
artillery,  and  details.  Whethet  this  reorganisation  will 
really  carry  with  it  some  of  the  changes  which  I  have 
described  as  necessary  in  order  that  a  rapid  mobilisa- 
tion in  case  of  war  could  be  effected  or  whether  it 
will  be  a  reorganisation  solely  on  paper  time  alone 
will  prove. 

The  Albanian  Qii^estian, 

According  to  the  latest  intelligence  from  Albania, 
the  discontent  amongst  the  people  of  that  district  is 
daily  increasing.  All  the  grievances  which  I  have  men- 
tioned in  the  chapter  devoted  to  this  subject  are  still 
existent.  The  people  a:re  becoming  more  than  ever 
discontented  owing  to  the  attitude  of  the  Turkish 
Government    concerning    the    Education    (Question    in 


324         THE  DANGER  ZONE  OF  EUROPE 

Albania.  It  is  reported,  too,  that  the  Christian  youths 
of  the  Scutari  and  other  districts  are  leaving  the 
country  in  order  to  avoid  the  burden  of  conscription. 
The  feeling  of  these  people  seems  to  be  that  they 
would  not  mind  serving  the  Austrians  and  the  Monte- 
negrins, but  that  they  are  not  willing  to  assist  in  keep- 
ing the  Turks,  whom  they  hate,  in  Europe.  The 
Austrians  and  the  Italians  are  said  to  be  spending 
money  liberally  in  Albania.  Isa  Boletin,  who  for 
many  months  after  the  termination  of  the  1910  insur- 
rection in  Albania  was  a  refugee  in  Montenegro,  is 
reported  to  have  recrossed  the  frontier  at  the  head 
of  a  strong  band.  The  "fighting  season**  in  Albania, 
begins  early  in  the  year  I 


INDEX 


Abdul  Oglou,  massacre  at,  158, 

159 
Abdul   Hamid,  non-responsibility 
for  Adana  massacres,  172- 
174 
Abdul  Kadir  Bagdadi,  143, 180, 187 
Ada  Bazaar,  38 
Adana — 

Description  of,  126,  127 

First  massacre  in,  129-134 

Second  massacre  in,  135-138 

Floods  in,  142-143 

Orphanage  at,  195,  196 

Reforms  in  Vilayet  of,  192-200 

Trade  of,  128 
Adrianople,  manoeuvres  in  neigh- 
bourhood of,  70-72 
Afiun  Karahissar,  37 
Albania,  definition  of,  87 
Alexandretta,  161,  162,  164,  202 
Alexander,  Prince  of  Servia,  312 
Angora — 

Population  of,  211 

Reforms  in,  212 
Antioch,  massacre  at,  159,  160 
Antivari,  317 
Armenians — 

Perseverance  of,  123,  158 

Religion  of,  122 
Army — 

Bulgarian,  280,  284 

Greek,  233,  239,  264-273 

Servian,  31 1-3 13 

Turkish,  56-84,  323 
Avlona,  88,  93,  283 


Baba  Eski,  37 
Babigian  Effendi,  182,  184 
Bagdad — 
Decentralisation  in  province  of, 

54 

Railway,  37,  201,  202 
Banjaluka,  310 

Bashi  Bazouks,  132,  134,  146,  147 
Bashkim  Club,  1 13,  1 15 
Bedri  Pasha,  97 
Berlin,  Treaty  of,  231,  291,  299, 

311,316,317,320 
Boli,  38 

Boycott,  Greek,  46,  47 
Bozanti,  Vale  of,  201,  203 
Brigandage — 

Law,  43,  44,  48,  109 

Mussulman,  42 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society 

work  of.  III,  112 
Bulgaria,  prosperity  of,  284 

Caiserea,     narrow     escape     of 

massacre  at,  165 
Candia,  massacre  at,  219 
Capitulations,  the,  34,  299 
Chambers,  Lawson,  126,  129 
Chambers,  W.  N.,  126,  129,  131 
Christie,  Dr.,  145,  151 
Christie,  Mrs.,  145,  148 
Civil  Service,  Turkish,  29,  38 
Clubs- 
Agricultural,  43 
Albanian,  113,  115,  118,  119 
Bulgarian  Constitutional,  42,  45 


326 


INDEX 


Committee  of  Union  and  Progress, 
20,  21,  23-27,  30,  31,  36,  47, 
95,  96,  104,  147,  174,  213, 
234,  247, 248 

Committee,  Governmental  Relief, 

i43»  144 
Committee,  International   Relief, 

127,  140,  141,  142,  143 
Convention,    Turko    Roumanian, 

236^ 
Constitution — 
Bosnian,  319 
Bulgarian,  304 
Changes  in  Greek,  260,  261 
Council,  Administrative,  of  Vilayet, 

54 
Council,  Generals  of  Vilayet,  54, 

100 
Crete- 
Constitution  for,  221 
Government  of,  216 
Military  forces  of,  274-278 
Population  of,  215,  216 

Decentralisation  in  Turkey,  53, 

,  54 
Dede  Agatch,  70,  283 
Demir  Hissar,  283 
Demotica,  70 

Deve  Baiyir  District,  281,  283 
Devna,  301 

Dibra,  Congress  of,  99,  100,  loi 
Dimitrof,  M.,  290 
Disarmament,  48 
Djakova,  105 

Djavid  Pasha,  98,  99,  loi,  104,  106 
Djemal  Bey,  reforms  proposed  by, 

193-200 
Djevad    Bey,    177,   180,  181,  182, 

185 
Djuma  Balia,  283 
Dobric,  301 


Dragoumis,  M.  243,  251,  253,  254, 

259,  262,  271 
Dubnitza,  283 
Durazzo,  88 

Durtyol,  defence  of,  161,  162 
Duzje,  38 

Echmiadzin,  Catholicus  of,  121 
Egri  Palanka,  280,  281,  283 
Elassona,  38 
Elbasan,  94,  96,  iii 

Congress  of,  99,  112,  115, 118 
Elections,  Turkish  Parliamentary, 

27-29 
Erzin,  Court-Martial  at,  182 
Eski  Zagora,  300,  301 
Exarch  the,  39,  40,  49,  76,  77,  78, 

121 

Fakri  Pasha,  30 

Ferisovitch,  95,  96,  98, 99,  104,  105 

Finance,  Turkish,  32-34,  51,  321- 

323 
Franciscans,  the,  92 
Fry,  Miss  Isabel,  23 

Gamble,  Admiral  Sir  D.,  84 
Gardes  Champetres,  43 
Gendarmerie,  Cretan,  275 
Gendarmerie,  Turkish,  82, 192, 197, 

205,  212 
Geneva,  24 
George,  Prince  of   Greece,   216, 

220,  221,  223,  224,  225,  226, 

275 
Government  in  Crete,  236,  237 
George,  Prince  of  Servia,  311,  312 
Gevgeli,  49 
Ghegs,  the  89,  91,  loi,  109,  no, 

III,  114 
Gidia,  38 

Goudi,  250,  252,  256 
Gusinge,  96 


INDEX 


327 


Hajin,  defence  of,  i6o,  i6i 
Haladjian,  Effendi,  36,  210 
Hamidieh,  massacre  at,  155-157 
Hilmi  Pasha,  26,  30,  36 
Hunchagist  Society,  169,  170 

Ibrahim  Bey,  30,  44 
Ihsan  Fikri,  186,  187 
Iktidal,  186 

Injerlik  massacre  at,  155 
Ipek,  96,  98,  105 
Ismail  Fazil  Pasha,  181 

Jaitza,  310 

Jesuits,  the,  92,  93,  iii,  136,  137 

Karaferia,  38,  48 

Karalik  Devene,  37,  38 

Katchanik,  105 

Kharput,  plans  for   massacre  at, 

165 

Kiamil  Pasha,  26 

Kirk  Killisse,  37,  70,  81 

Konia — 
Irrigation  of.  Plain  of,  205-211 
Reforms  in  Vilayet  of,  204-205 

Korcha,  94,  113,  116,  117 

Kostendil,  280,  281,  282,  283 

Kouleli  Bourgas,  70,  72 

Kozolouk,  massacre  in,  150-154 

Kumanavo,  280,  281,  283 

Larissa,  37,  38,  265 

Law  Courts,  34,  38,  190-192,  200, 

205,  212 
Law — 

Brigandage,  see  Brigandage 

Turkish  Electoral,  28 
League — 

Albanian,  97 

Orthodox,  94-95 


Letters,  delivery  of,  20 
Liaptcheff,  M.,  290,  295 
Lom  Palanka,  301 
Lyuma,  98,  99 

Mahmoud  Shevket  Pasha,  62,  73, 

82,83 
Manoeuvres,  Turkish,  70-72 
Marasch,  164 
Mavromichalis,  M.,  242,  250,  252, 

253,  254,  255,  258,  259,  271 
Mazhar  Bey,  31,  104 
Mehmed  Ali  Bey,  186 
Mersina — 

Arrival  of  warships  at,  135,  139 

Description  of,  125 

Moutessarif  of,  174 
Mezdera,  301 
Milovanovitch,  M.,  310 
Missionaries,     American,     killed, 

132,  133 
Missis — 
Governor  of,  198,  199 
Massacre  at,  155 
Mitrovitza,  98,  310 
Mohammedans,  fanaticism  of,  31, 

79,  116 
Mohammedanism,  conversion   to, 

76,  77,  79 
Monastir,  Congress  of,   114,  115, 

u8 
Morava  District,  105 
Mustafa   Remsi  Pasha,   138,   139, 

181,  182 
Treatment  of,  185,  186 
Mustafa  Zihni  Pasha,  31,  143,  177, 

194 

Navy,  Greek,  86,  273,  274 

Turkish,  84-86 
Nazim,  Dr.,  Bey,  232 

Pasha,  54 


328 


INDEX 


Nouradounghian  Effendi,  26,  36 
Novi  Bazaar,  Sanjak  of,  310 

Obrenovatz,  314 
Obrenovitch  dynasty,  316 
Ostrorog,  Count  Leon,  190 

Panderma,  37 

Patriarch,  the  Armenian,  76,  121, 

122,  180,  181, 
Patriarch,  the  Greek,  39, 40,  41, 49, 

51.  76,  77»  121 
Paul,  Prince,  313 
Plava,  96 
Pomaks,  the,  281 
Press,  Turkish  the,  21,  22 

Railway  construction  in — 

Bulgaria,  282,  283,  300,  301 

Greece,  37,  38 

Servia,  313*  3  H 

Turkey,  37,  38,  282,  283,  310 
Rallis,  M.,  244,  245,  246,  249,  250, 

253 
Reval,  Royal  meeting  at,  95 
Roads,    construction    of,    36,  37, 

199 
Rodosto,  37 

Salih  Pasha,  73 

Samsoun,  38 

Sandansky,  45 

San  Stefano,  Treaty  of,  280,  285, 

317 
Scutari-in-Albania,  93,  96,  97  ,101, 

102,  104,  105,  106,  107,  108 
Security,  personal  in  Turkey,  20 
Serajevo,  310,  314,  319 
Sergherde,  the,  106 
Sherashi  Pasha,  95 
Shehr  Murad,  defence  of,  163 
Shevket  Tourgout  Pasha,  104,  105 


Sivas,  38 

Skumbia  River,  88 
Soma,  37 

Talaat  Bey,  44 

Tarsus — 

Description  of,  145,  146 

Massacre  in,  146-149 
Tashnagist  Society,  169,  170 
Tchernalova  Pass,  105 
Tchumla,  206,  207,  208 
Theotokis  M.,  243,  245,  246,  247, 

249,  252,  260 
Tirana,  96 
Tirnovo,  287,  300 
Tosks,  the,  89,  109,  no,  in,  114 
Typaldos,  Commander,  256,  257, 
258 

Ulu  Kishlar,  202 
Uvac,  310 

Van,  plans  for  massacre  at,  165 
Venezelos,  M.,  217,  238,  259,  260, 

262,  263,  271 
Von  du  Goltz,  General,  59,  70 

WiDiN,  301 

Williams,  Admiral  H.  P.,  84 
Women,  position  of  Moslem,  22 
Works,  PubUc,  in  Turkey,  35,  36, 

loi,  102 
Wylie,  Major  Doughty,  131,  133, 

140 

Yanina,  31,  93 

Yemen,  the,  60,  66,  103 
Yenidge  Vardar,  49 
Yussaf  Kemal  Bey,  182 

Zaimis,  M.,  226,  229,  239,  275 
Zorbas,  General,  242, 248,  249, 250, 
253»  254»  255.  256,  259 


UNWIN  BROTHERS,  LIMITED,  THE  GRESUAM  PRESS,  WOKING  AND  LONDON. 


"The  Danger  Zone  of  Europe"  (Little, 
Brown),  by  H.  Charles  Woods,  possesses 
among  other  merits  that  of  unusual  time 
liness.  The  author  touches,  with  a  hand 
sure  of  its  grasp,  upon  many  problems 
which  the  present  war  has  brought  to  the 
fore  of  public  discussion.  The  successes 
and  failures  of  the  Young  Turks  are  set 
forth  impartially,  and  on  the  basis  of  ex- 
tensive information.  The  new  regime,  as 
the  author  shows,  has  unquestionably  dif- 
fused a  sense  of  greater  personal  security 
throughout  Turkish  territory.  Travel  is 
safer,  the  peasant  gathers  his  crops  with 
more  freedom,  the  spy  system  has  been 
largely  abolished,  and  the  censorship  of  the 
press  has  been  relaxed.  There  is  also 
noticeable  a  slight  improvement  in  the  so- 
cial status  of  married  women,  and  some 
efforts  are  being  made  to  raise  the  stand- 
ard of  education  for  girls.  But  the  reformj 
element  is  greatly  hampered  by  the  con-j 
dition  of  the  civil  service.  The  corrupt 
ofllcials  dismissed  when  Abdul  Hamid's 
power  ended  were  replaced  by  inex- 
perienced men  whose  honesty  and  efficiency 
are  still  to  be  tried.  Liberalism  meets 
with  the  opposition  of  the  fanatical  be- 
liever in  the  letter  of  the  Koran.  The 
Christian  races  are  tenacious  of  their  old 
time  privileges,  which,  under  the  new  con 
stitution,  must  be  withdrawn.  The  Greek 
patriarch  has  been  shorn  of  his  power  over 
schools,  churches,  and  hospitals,  as  has 
also  been  the  Bulgarian  exarch.  In  Mace- 
donia the  great  landowners,  who  are  chiefly 
Moslems,  now  devote  more  attention  to 
their  properties,  and  have  become  more 
exacting  toward  their  Christian  tenants 
The  law  against  brigands  bears  heavily  oni 
the  Christians,  who  are  compelled  to  sur-l 
render  their  firearms,  while  Moslems  arel 
leniently  dealt  with.     In  Albania  the  tak- 


ing  of   the  census,   with,  its   questioning  of 
women,    has     exasperated    the    population, 
The  warlike  Arnauts,  moreover,  hate  to  fur- 
nish, the  Government  with  information  dis- 
closing   their      numerical    strength.      The 
Northern  Albanians,  who  have  in  the  past 
professed  allegiance  to  no  one,  regard  com- 
pulsory  conscription   in  the  Turkish   army 
as   a   breach    of   faith.     They   are   willing, 
for  the  protection  of  their  homes,  to  fight 
Greeks,    Bulgarians,    Servians,    and      Mon- 
tenegrins,   but   they   object   to   serving   the 
Sultan   in   a   war   which   does   not   concern 
them.     The  army  which  brought  about  the 
triumph  of  the  Young  Turks,  in  July,  1908, 
still  controls  both  the  internal  policy  and 
the   foreign   relations   of   the   empire.     The 
committee  of  the  Union  and  Progress  party 
was,  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  with  Italy, 
supported   by  the  army,   but   its  tenure  of 
power  is  evidently  involved  in  the  fortunes 
of  the  struggle.     Shefket  Pasha,  whom  Mr. 
Woods  describes  as  a  very  moderate  man, 
holds    the    key    to    the    internal    situation. 
Even   while   nominally   only   inspector-gen- 
eral of  part  of  the  Turkish  army,  he  wai^ 
in  reality  "a  sort  of  secret  lord  and  mas- 
ter of  all  he  surveyed.^    Kiamil  Pasha  is 
in  the  author's  opinion,"^  the  ablest  Turkish 
statesman,  but  he  speaks  somewhat  guard- 
edly of  Hilmi  Pasha,  the  grand  vizier  re 
tired  at  the  end  of  1909,  whose  reappoint 
ment    recent    reports    have    foreshadowed 
The  complicated  financial  situation  of  Tur 
key  receives  due  coQSideration  at  the  hands 
of   the   author.     A  /articularly   interesting 
chapter   is   devoted   to   the  causes   and   re- 
sults of  the  Armenian  massacres  of  April 
1909.     But  for  these  matters  and  the  chap- 
ters   on    Greece,    Bulgaria,    Servia.    Mon- 
tenegro, Bosnia,  Asia  Minor,  and  the  Cretan 
question,  we  must  refer  our  readers  to  the ; 
book    itself,    which    is   valuable    in   all    itsfi 
parts.       iri£K2^,  ift/iz/ii  j^ 


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